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Israel admits it sank Lebanese refugee boat in 1982 war error, killing 25 — TV

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Israeli armored personnel carriers are positioned near a mosque on the outskirts of the Lebanese capital of Beirut, Wednesday June 16, 1982. (AP Photo/Rina Castelnuovo)
Until recently no one even knew of this war crime.  But for an Israeli officer with a conscience, Col. Mike Eldar it would have been hidden for all of time. It was one war crime amongst thousands in Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in 1982.  Unfortunately most Israeli military who commit war crimes do not have a conscience so this is one of the rare few which have come to light.  

Today the Israeli Government, with the support of the so-called opposition Yesh Atid, actively campaigns against the soldiers group Breaking the Silence in order to prevent them revealing Israeli war crimes. They do this in the name of Zionist nationalism and the 'honour' of the Israeli army.  Revelations of the army's role in perpetrating massacres besmirches its image they say.  Thus revealing that war criminals like Netanyahu and Yair Lapid are more interested in the reputation of Israel's ruthless military than its victims. Nothing better demonstrates the callousness and criminality of the Israeli war machine
Tony Greenstein
Captain of Israeli submarine thought boat was carrying PLO fighters; navy probe found he acted mistakenly, but no crime was committed; former officer accuses IDF of cover-up
llustrative footage from a Channel 10 report on an Israeli submarine that sank a Lebanese refugee boat in 1982, killing 25, broadcast on November 22, 2018 

An Israeli submarine mistakenly torpedoed a boat carrying refugees and foreign workers off the Lebanese coast during the 1982 Lebanon War, killing 25 people, Channel 10 news revealed Thursday, after the IDF finally lifted military censorship on reporting on the 36-year-old incident. 

According to Channel 10, the incident occurred off the coast of the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli in June 1982 as Israel was enforcing a naval blockade of Lebanon.
Israeli forces had entered Lebanon that month in an attack against the PLO bases that marked the beginning of what came to be known as the First Lebanon War. The Gal-type submarine was taking part in “Operation Dreyfus,” namely the navy attempt to prevent Syrian naval forces from intervening in the fighting.
FILE PHOTO: An Israeli submarine in the Mediterranean, April, 2018.
According to Channel 10, which had filed a petition to the High Court of Justice against the censorship of its report on the incident, a local boat apparently tried to take advantage of a brief ceasefire and flee the area with a group of refugees and foreign workers on board.
The captain of the Israeli submarine, identified as “Maj. A,” believed the boat was carrying Palestinian fighters fleeing from the IDF, however, and gave an order to fire two torpedoes at the boat, sinking it.
The captain told a later IDF inquiry that he was convinced there were Palestinian terrorists on the boat and that he had seen 30 to 40 men, all wearing similar outfits, which he believed to be military uniforms. He also ascertained there were no women and children on board the vessel, the captain testified.
“I looked carefully over the ship from end to end, and I saw there were no women or children on board,” Maj. A. testified. He added that he continued to monitor the ship as it sank, and still did not see women or children. “I kept watching for two hours, until darkness had completely fallen.”
The captain of the Lebanese boat and 24 others died in the Israeli strike. Channel 10 said later Thursday there had been 54 people on board in all, and that the boat had been trying to reach Cyprus. It noted that the sea in the area at that time was filled with vessels, some carrying terrorists, and some civilians seeking to escape the war.
Channel 10 said that it appeared that amid the chaos of the war, the Palestinians and the Lebanese never realized that the boat was sunk by an Israeli submarine.
The report featured no footage of the incident; it was accompanied, rather, by illustrative and simulated footage.
The vessel and its occupants were not identified in Thursday night’s TV report.
A simulation of an Israeli submarine strike on a Lebanese refugee boat in 1982. (screen capture: Channel 10)
The IDF only investigated the incident 10 years after it occurred, after the head of the submarine unit demanded a probe to glean operational lessons from the event, the report said.
The IDF investigation into the sinking found that while the captain had made a mistake, he had been acting within his operational orders. It noted that he had not fired on several other ships believed to be carrying Palestinian fighters due to suspicions there were innocent civilians on board.
“It was not a war crime and there was no misconduct, there is no place for legal action,” the IDF report found, according to Channel 10.
However, a former senior IDF officer who has been investigating the incident told Channel 10 he disagreed.
Col. (Ret) Mike Eldar (Screencapture / Channel 10)
Col. (Ret) Mike Eldar, who commanded the 11th flotilla during the war, said the captain acted improperly and accused Israel of trying to cover up the incident.
We have rules of engagement even on submarines, you don’t just shoot a boat because you suspect maybe there was something,” he told Channel 10, adding that the submarine should have summoned a navy patrol boat to investigate.
Eldar said he sought to have Israel acknowledge the incident for decades.
“I turned to the police, the army, the justice department and they all ignored me,” he said. “It’s insulting, personally and nationally.”
He also pointed to the testimony of the second in command of the submarine, Capt. B. He had testified that following previous incidents in which the Israeli submarine had refrained from firing on suspicious ships, the mood shifted to “an atmosphere of a desire to attack and fire at any cost. I believed we should not fire because the identification was not definite.”
According to Eldar, there were several other officers who wanted to testify at an inquiry but were not allowed to.
Channel 10 said it believed the IDF had sought to avoid the incident becoming public partly because of shame over what occurred. It said several senior navy officers from that period were still refusing to be interviewed about it.

Biting the Bullet - Jewish Voice for Peace Declare Themselves an Anti-Zionist Group

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If You Say You Support the Palestinians You Can’t be Neutral on the Racist Ideology that led to the Creation of the Israeli State




Formed in 1996 Jewish Voice for Peace has become the largest single Jewish group advocating for the Palestinians in the world. Indeed it is the largest pro-Palestinian organisation in the United States. Where it has led others, like Ifnnotnow have followed.
JVP has over 70 chapters, hundreds of thousands of online supporters and over 100,000 Jewish signatories. One theme has run through all their actions – what Israel does to the Palestinians is Not in my Name. The Jewish state is not, despite its claims, a State of the Jews.
JVP did not start off as an anti-Zionist organisation. To have done so would have cut it off from an American Jewish community of some 5 million people. Unlike in Britain, the vast majority of American Jews are Liberal, Masorti or Conservative as opposed to Orthodox. Although historically the American Jewish community was the most liberal section of the White community in the USA, supporting the civil rights struggle of Black people, it also supported Israel and turned a blind eye to things which, if they’d occurred in America and to them, they would have been the first to condemn.
Unlike Britain there is a Growing Divorce Between the American Jewish Community and Israel
JVP was the first to raise the question of the American Jewish community’s loyalty to Israel. As in Britain Jews have historically been silenced by memes such as ‘You don’t live in Israel you have no right to criticise what it does’ and of course the classic argument of Zionism that if anti-Semitism ever rears its ugly head then Israel will provide a refuge.
These arguments carry less weight today. If Israel claims to be a state of the Jews, all Jews wherever they live, then it can hardly claim immunity from criticism by Jews. This argument, that people who don’t live in Israel can’t criticise it would not be given the time of day if it had been applied to Apartheid South Africa or Nazi Germany. 
Israel has become a topic of both discussion and dissension within America Jewry. Partly this is because of Israel’s own desire for Jewish racial purity. In a state based on race then someone must be the guardian of who is and who is not a member of the chosen race. There must be some ‘objective’ criteria for deciding who does and does not fit in.
Liberal and Conservative Jews are not recognised as fully Jewish and therefore most American Jews live in a no man’s land. All personal matters – birth, marriage, divorce and death – in Israel are controlled by the Orthodox rabbinate. American Jews are Jewish for the purposes of the Law of Return but not for personal matters.
When a neo-Nazi gunman Robert Bowers murdered 11 Jews at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh last October Israel’s Chief Rabbi David Lau refused to even recognise that this was a synagogue. Lau called ita place with a profound Jewish flavour’ as if it was a form of chewing gum.
Robert Bowers had targeted this particular synagogue because they worked together with HIAS, the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society which helped refugees in the United States. ‘You like to bring in hostile invaders to dwell among us’ This was at the same time as when Donald Trump’s racist invective was at its height attacking the refugee caravan during the Congressional elections. Trump created the atmosphere in which Bowers did his murderous deeds.
It was no therefore surprise that Pittsburgh Jews told Trump to stay away and not to visit them and when he came anyway they demonstrated against his presence. Who accompaniedTrump? The Israeli Ambassador Ronald Dermer. Who flew to the USA to defend Trump?  The arch-racist Israeli Education Minister Naftali Bennett.
Shalom Lipner, a former adviser to several Israeli prime ministers, was reportedas saying that Bennett’s actions were
misguided + irresponsible this is: an Israeli minister coming to Pittsburgh and hitting the campaign trail for Trump one week before the midterms. Israel is already enough of a partisan football in America; why would Bennett want to make the problem worse?’
Liberal Zionist columnist Peter Beinart tweeted, “Yes, antisemites don’t ask if you’re Orthodox, Conservative or Reform. How about the Israeli government?”
This is the atmosphere in which JVP organises. There is severe disagreement in the American Jewish community over its relations with Israel. Netanyahu is reported to have written off the American Jewish community altogether.
Two years ago JVP set up a working party to draw up a statement on Zionism. They have now reported and issued a statement. They declare that:
Jewish Voice for Peace is guided by a vision of justice, equality and freedom for all people. We unequivocally oppose Zionism because it is counter to those ideals.’ 
The statement explainsthatwhen it was first formed
JVP made a conscious choice as an organization to abstain from taking a position on Zionism, because we felt it closed off conversation in the Jewish community.’
JVP’s decision to now describe itself as anti-Zionist is an important one. It should serve as an example to British Jewish groups such as Jews for Justice for Palestinians which has steadfastly refused to adopt any position on Zionism and has instead stuck to an outdated and incoherent 2 State position that accepts a racist Israeli state. Jewish Voice for Labour, although most of its members are anti-Zionist has likewise adopted a position that says it will take no position on Zionism. Palestine Solidarity Campaign  although formally anti-Zionist in practice says nothing at all about Zionism.
Why the Question of Zionism is important
There is one thing that Zionists hate above all and that is discussing Zionism. The Jewish Labour Movement campaigned against what it saw as the use of the term Zionism as a word of abuse. A position endorsed by the Labour Party’s Chakrabarti Report.
Why then is it important to understand and to oppose Zionism? First and foremost because Zionism is the political movement that gave birth to the Israeli State. Zionism is the ideology of the Israeli state.
If you don’t understand Zionism then you won’t understand why Israel is a uniquely ethno nationalist state. You won't understand why it behaves as it does. Instead of dealing with the Israeli state as a political problem Israel will be seen as amenable to a 'peace process' and diplomacy. Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians will be seen as primarily one of human rights and not a consequence of settler colonialism.
If you don’t understand and oppose Zionism and see how it is antipathetic to Jewish people and how it internalised everything anti-Semitism said about Jews then people will see Israel as a normal bourgeois democratic state that has gone off the rails. Without an understanding of Zionism people see Israel as a Jewish state no different from Britain as a Christian state. From there it is but one step to seeing Israel as the embodiment of Jewishness, which is the approach of anti-Semites like Gilad Atzmon.
Anti-Zionism is the cure for Anti-Semitism
Anti-Zionism, contrary to what is alleged, is the cure for anti-Semitism. Instead of blaming Israel on the Jews, anti-Zionism enables people to understand the racist and imperial roots of Zionist colonisation and settler colonialism. Israel is seen as a state that does the bidding of western imperialism rather than a Jewish collectivity.
That is why the Zionist cliché that anti-Zionism = anti-Semitism is an Orwellian lie that doesn’t become true by repetition. When world leaders such as Justin Trudea or Emmanuel Macron repeat this lie it is because they wish to demonise opposition to western imperialism.
When people don’t have an understanding of where Israel has come from and why, then they look to conspiracy theories about Jewish power or the Rothschild bankers. It is the demonization of anti-Zionism that leads to anti-Semitism. Today as yesterday, virtually all anti-Semites are also supporters of Zionism. From Christian Zionists to White Supremacists there is wall to wall agreement on support for Zionism.  As Orly Azoulay put it in Israel’s YNet
The Jewish right in America and in Israel is no longer afraid of the ‘old anti-Semitism,’ yet progressive Jews are being defined as accomplices of Israel’s haters. As a result, Israel’s relationship with America’s Jews is becoming increasingly explosive.’
For example the Zionist Organisation of America invited Trump’s anti-Semitic adviser Steve Bannon as a guest speaker at its annual gala dinner in 2017 and 2018.  John Hagee, the President of the million strong Christian United for Israel, who preachedthat Hitler was god’s agent sent to drive the Jews to Israel, presided at the opening of the US embassy in Jerusalem.
JVP have recognised that if you are going to support the Palestinians then you have to take a position, not merely on this or that aspect of Israeli policies but on the nature of the state itself and the movement that gave birth to it.
I have disagreements with aspects of the statement. For example I think they are wrong to talk about different strands of Zionism and equate ‘Cultural Zionism’ (which was confined to about a dozen supporters) with Political Zionism and also not to see that Religious Zionism was an offshoot of the latter. I note that they don’t even mention Labour or Socialist Zionism, quite correctly in my opinion.
Also I think JVP are wrong not to openly come out and say that Zionism is a form of racism. I also think JVP are wrong to describeZionism as ‘a form of Jewish nationalism’. This presupposes that the Jews are a nation, an anti-Semitic idea. Zionism was a nationalist movement, amongst Jews and non-Jews. In much the same way as Nazism and similar racist movements in Poland, Romania and Hungary were nationalist. However Zionism wasn’t a movement of a Jewish nation.  I make a sharp difference between nationalism and a nationalist movement.
I disagree with the formulation that
‘“Anti-Zionism” is a loose term referring to criticism of the current policies of the Israeli state, and/or moral, ethical, or religious criticism of the idea of a Jewish nation-state.’
Anti-Zionism is a critique, not of particular policies of the Israeli government but the State itself. A Jewish State is inherently racist in a settler colonial context. But these are mere quibbles. JVP accepts that Israel is a settler colonial state and an Apartheid State. More importantly than both it describes itself as anti-Zionist.  All I can say to this is Mazel Tov. Let us hope that British Jewish groups in support of the Palestinians have the courage of their convictions and realise that temporising will not gain them either support or friends.  Below is the JVP statement:
Tony Greenstein

What is Zionism? Where did it come from?

Zionism is a form of Jewish nationalism, and is the primary ideology that drove the establishment of Israel. Zionism began in the late 19th century in the context of a set of huge changes in political, cultural, social landscape of Jewish life in Europe, along with the general rise of nationalist movements and nation-state political forms. For Jews in Europe, this meant a sharp rise in violent antisemitism. Jewish people – even though they had lived in Europe for centuries – were fundamentally excluded from the ways European nations defined themselves. This resulted in violent, targeted, anti-Jewish massacres in Russia, known as pogroms; the development of anti-Jewish conspiracy theories like Protocols of the Elders of Zion; and the re-emergence of older antisemitic tropes, like blood libels, which claim that Jewish people use the blood of Christian children in rituals.
Some Jewish people responded to this antisemitism by attempting to assimilate into the European countries they lived in; this often proved impossible. Many Jewish people – over 2.5 million – left as refugees, coming to the United States or other parts of Europe. Others, most famously the Bund, rejected the concept of nationalism altogether or turned to revolutionary socialism. And some, notably Theodore Herzl, often seen as the founder of Zionism, thought that Jews themselves constituted a separate people, and should therefore have a state of their own. Herzl and other early Zionist thinkers were also very influenced by European settler colonial thinking, often explicitly making the case that a Jewish state in Palestine would be a European colony similar to the British presence in India.
It is important to note that people who consider themselves Zionist have different interpretations of what that label means in the present political moment, to them personally, and historically. Moreover, over time, multiple strains of Zionism have emerged, including political Zionism, religious Zionism, and cultural Zionism.
  • Political: When people refer to “Zionism” today, this is often what they mean. Founded by 19th Century thinker Theodore Herzl, it sees the “Jewish problem” as having a solution in a “Jewish state.” As nationalism rose in Europe, many, including Herzl, saw Jews as outsiders to the nation, unable or unwilling to assimilate or be fully accepted as members of the nation-state. According to Herzl, this “problem” should be solved by a community of nations by establishing a Jewish state in Palestine.
  • Religious: Many, but not all, forms of Zionism have their roots in theological interpretations. It is important to note that this form of Zionism is not exclusive to Jewish religious traditions. For example, some evangelical Christian denominations believe that in order to facilitate the second coming of Christ, Jews must “gather” in Israel as part of Biblical prophecy.
  • Cultural: Most often attributed to Herzl’s contemporary, Ahad Ha’am (Asher Ginsberg), this form of Zionism called for a spiritual and cultural center for Jewish people in Palestine, but not for a “Jewish state” in the same way Herzl did. Instead, this form of Zionism calls for Jews to share a national language and culture.
The political ideology of Zionism, regardless of which strain, has resulted in the establishment of a Jewish nation-state in the land of historic Palestine. In 1948, 750,000 Palestinians were expelled as part of that process, their homes and property confiscated. Despite recognition of their rights by the United Nations, their rights to return and be compensated have long been denied by the US and Israel. In 1967, Israel occupied what is now known as the Occupied Palestinian Territories, putting millions of people under military rule. Longstanding systemic inequalities privilege Jews over Palestinians inside Israel and in the Occupied Territories.
For more, please see this speech by former JVP Deputy Director Cecilie Surasky, “Settler colonialism, white supremacy, and the ‘special relationship’ between the U.S. and Israel

What is anti-Zionism?

“Anti-Zionism” is a loose term referring to criticism of the current policies of the Israeli state, and/or moral, ethical, or religious criticism of the idea of a Jewish nation-state. There has been debate, criticism and opposition to Zionism within Jewish thought for as long as it has existed. Jewish anti-Zionists span a political and religious spectrum, from religious and secular progressives who view opposition to Zionism as an anti-racist praxis, to ultra-Orthodox Jews who oppose Jewish dominion until the time of the Messiah, to anarchist Jews who oppose the very concept of nation-states, Jewish or otherwise. There are also many non-Jewish anti-Zionists whose perspectives may be informed by moral criticism of the policies of the Israeli government, problems with the impact of Zionist thinking in Israel on non-Jewish residents, and/or a criticism of ethno-nationalism more broadly. Many Palestinians take anti-Zionist positions or identify as anti-Zionist because of the current and historical practices of the Israeli state.
Criticism of Zionism is not to be conflated with antisemitism. States such as Israel and the United States are openly criticized in public life, and their political beliefs and policies are subject to critical debate, in accord with our basic First Amendment rights.
For more on the history of Jewish alternatives to Zionism, please see this blog post by former JVP staffer Ben Lorber.
For more on the problems of conflating antisemitism with anti-Zionism, please see this op-ed by NY Times columnist Michelle Goldberg.
For more on criticisms of Zionism, please see these excerpts from “Zionism from the Standpoint of its Victims” by Edward Said.

Why and how did we clarify our position on Zionism?

At its founding, JVP made a conscious choice as an organization to abstain from taking a position on Zionism, because we felt it closed off conversation in the Jewish community. Palestinian partners had long theorized Zionism as the root cause of the Palestinian condition, and more and more of our members not only agreed, but understood Zionism as damaging to Jewish identity and spiritual life. In 2014, it became clear that we needed to clarify our position in order to effectively continue doing our work.
We started by creating a committee through an application process that was purposely designed to represent the breadth of JVP membership. This group of staff, members and board met regularly over the course of two years to design a curriculum on Zionism. Over 700 members attended the webinars presenting the curriculum, and throughout the process, chapters met and discussed the ways JVP’s approach to Zionism impacted their work locally and nationally.
In addition, we held conversations about Zionism at the 2017 National Member Meeting, surveyed individuals who attended the webinars, and had our constituency groups – including Rabbis, artists, and students – hold independent discussions on Zionism, notes of which were shared with the JVP board.
We also gathered feedback from JVP staff, Palestinian members, activists and thinkers, along with feedback from Jewish people of color and Sephardi & Mizrahi Jews.
The board met over the summer and fall of 2018 to draft and finalize this statement.

What do you see as the harms of Zionism against Jewish people? Isn’t Zionism a movement for Jewish self-determination?

While Zionism is often referred to as a movement of “Jewish self-determination,” the Zionist movement defined this term in a narrow political sense, rejecting the diaspora as inherently toxic and unhealthy for Jews. The Classical Zionist concept known as shlilat hagalut(“negation of the diaspora”), demeaned centuries of a rich Jewish spiritual and cultural history – often to the point of using anti-Semitic imagery. For instance, famed Zionist journalist/ writer Micah Josef Berdichevsky claimed diaspora Jews were “not a nation, not a people and not human.” Hebrew literary icon Yosef Hayyim Brenner called them “gypsies, filthy dogs and inhuman,” while Labor Zionist AD Gordon referred to diaspora Jews as “a parasitic people.”
Zionism, as a political ideology and as a movement, has always hierarchized Jews based on ethnicity and race, and has not equally benefited or been liberatory for all Jewish people in Israel. Zionism is and was an Ashkenazi-led movement that othered, marginalized and discriminated against Jews from across the Middle East and North Africa that it termed Mizrahim (the ‘Eastern Ones’).
In the early 1950s, starting two years after the Nakba, the Israeli government facilitated a mass immigration of Mizrahim. Unlike their Ashkenazi counterparts, the new Mizrahi immigrants were not permitted to settle in the central cities or live in housing they could eventually come to own. Instead, the Israeli police were deployed to compel Mizrahi immigrants to remain in the transient camps and later development towns in Israel’s periphery, as a means to expand the state territory and prevent Palestinian return. During the 1950s Mizrahi immigrants were also subject to medical experimentation facilitated or performed by the Israeli government, and several thousand babies and toddlers were forcibly taken from their parents by the Israeli government. These children, two thirds Yemeni and a third from Tunisian, Moroccan, Libyan, Iraqi and Balkan families, were taken by physicians and social workers and given up for adoption by Ashkenazi families.
From the first waves of immigration in the 1980s, Ethiopian Jews have experienced racism on the part of the government and the Israeli public, exclusion from the public sphere, discrimination in education and employment, and exposure to physical and verbal violence. They also remain unrecognized as Jews by the Israeli religious establishment and religious councils because of racial prejudice. Ethiopian mobilization for racial justice consolidated since 2015 has called for an end to institutional discrimination, police harassment, arrests without cause, false accusations and indictments about assaulting police officers, and the denial of due process, all of which have long been experienced by the Ethiopian community.
For more, please see “Zionism from the Standpoint of its Jewish Victims” by Ella Shohat, and “They didn’t want Ethiopian Jews in Israel, either” by Efrat Yerday.




Israel’s Reaction to Pittsburgh was to send far-Right Education Minister Naftali Bennett to Protect Trump not the Jews

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How Israel Tried to Equate the Murder of Jews at The Tree of Life with Opposition to BDS



First a short history lesson. Zionism arose as a reaction to anti-Semitism in the late 19th Century. It was however a separatist reaction which accepted the logic of the anti-Semites' hostility to Jews.  Zionism perfectly understood and accepted that the anti-Semites didn't want the Jews in their midst. Just as today the Zionists want an Israel free of strangers so too did non-Jews in the countries where the Jews lived.  Zionism understood the hatred of non-Jews for the Jewish stranger, that was why Zionism began from an abandonment of the fight against anti-Semitism. In Herzl's words it was 'futile'to fight anti-Semitism. The Jews' real problem was that they were exiled from their real home - Palestine.  That was what Zionism intended to rectify.
Chaim Weizmann, longstanding President of the Zionist Organisation and Israel's first President explained this in his autobiography Trial & Error (pp.90-91). Writing about Sir William Evans Gordon MP for Stepney and the founder of the  anti-Semitic British Brothers League, the pre-cursor of Oswald Moseley's British Union of Fascists, he wrote;

I think our people were rather hard on him.... Whenever the quantity of Jews in a country reaches the saturation point, that country reacts against them... England had reached the point when she could or would absorb so many Jews and no more... The reaction against this cannot be looked upon as anti-Semitism in the ordinary or vulgar sense of that word... Sir William Evans Gordon had no particular anti-Jewish prejudices. He acted, as he thought, according to his best lights and in the most kindly way, in the interests of his country... but in his opinion it was physically impossible for England to make good the wrongs which Russia had inflicted on its Jewish population. ... Also, he was sincerely ready to encourage any settlement of Jews almost anywhere in the British Empire, but he failed to see why the ghettos of London or Leeds or Whitechapel should be made into a branch of ghettos of Warsaw and Pinsk.
In other words anti-immigrant feeling was natural.  It had nothing to do with class or race or politics.  Being a chemist Weizmann used a scientific metaphor. England had reached saturation point and the solvent could absorb so much and no more. This had nothing to do with racism or anti-Semitism 'in the ordinary or vulgar sense of that word.'This was the racist logic that Zionism operated according to.

Zionism was different from all other Jewish reactions to anti-Semitism. Forget the nonsense about the Jews’ 2,000 year dream for the Promised Land – when given the choice Jews would go anywhere but Palestine. Zionism was unique in that it accepted the validity of anti-Semitism. The anti-Semites said Jews did not belong in non-Jewish society and the Zionists agreed. That was the beginning of a beautiful relationship.
The Zionists blamed the Jews themselves for anti-Semitism. It was their ‘homelessness’ that caused anti-Semitism. In the words of A B Yehoshua, the Jewish Diaspora was a “cancer who use other peoples’ countries like hotels.’ [Jewish Chronicle 22.5.89]. In other words Jews outside Israel are aliens. Theodor Herzl, the founder of Political Zionism wrote, in The Jewish State(1896) that the Jews
‘naturally move to those places where we are not persecuted and there our presence produces persecution... The unfortunate Jews are now carrying it into England; they have already introduced it into America.’ pp. 14-15)
Anti-Semitism was seen as being caused by the presence of Jews. Following this logic, the Zionists held that it was useless to fight anti-Semitism. Wherever they went it would reoccur.

The Zionists argued that Jews had only obtained a formal equality because ‘in the principal countries where Anti-Semitism prevails it does so as a result of the emancipation of the Jews.’ [p.25] To Max Nordau, Herzl’s Deputy, Emancipation ‘was solely the result of the geometrical mode of thought of French nationalism of the 18th Century.’ [Speech to the First Zionist Congress,(1897) Arthur Hertzberg, The Zionist Idea p.236].
In other words the French Revolution granted equal rights to Jews not because they believed in it but because it was the logical consequence of the introduction of greater democracy and equality. Zionism like the Orthodox opposed Emancipation as opening the gates to assimilation and assimilation of the Jews has always been Zionism's greatest enemy. It is compared today to the Holocaust in that both reduced the number of Jews.
Herzl understood that both the Zionists and the anti-Semites had a common interest – both wanted Jews to leave their countries of birth.
‘The Governments of all countries scourged by Anti-Semitism will be keenly interested in assisting us to obtain the sovereignty we want.’ [p.28, Jewish State]
It was but a short step to the conclusion that “the anti-Semites will be our most dependable friends... our allies.” [Diaries p. 84] Yehoshua, who unusually for a Zionist is honest admitted that
Anti-Zionism is not the product of the non-Jews. On the contrary, the Gentiles have always encouraged Zionism, hoping that it would help rid them of the Jews in their midst. Even today, in a perverse way, a real anti-Semite must be a Zionist.’ [Jewish Chronicle 22.1.82.]
When the Nazis came to power, the Zionist movement was not unhappy about what was happening. When the Nazis promulgated the 1935 Nuremberg Laws, ‘the most murderous legislative instrument known to European history’[Gerald Reitlinger] the Zionists did not protest. As Rabbi Joachim Prinz, a prominent leader of German Zionism wrote:
‘(The Jews) have been drawn out of the last recesses of christening and mixed marriages. We are not unhappy about it... The theory of assimilation has collapsed.... We want to replace assimilation by something new: the declaration of belonging to the Jewish nation and the Jewish race. A state, built according to the principles of purity of the nation and race can only be honoured and respected by a Jew who declares his belonging to his own kind.’ [Wir Juden, Berlin 1934]
The Zionist Congress, which met in Prague in 1933, didn’t even condemn or criticise the Nazis for their treatment of German Jews. Indeed the Labour Zionist majority rejected the criticism of Hitler that the right-wing Revisionists made. They didn’t protest the situation in Germany because they were determined to take advantage of it.

Zionism, to use Herzl’s metaphor, was intent on using anti-Semitism much as an engine used steam power. Zionism has always sought to use anti-Semitism for its own advantage. When Netanyahu flew to Paris after the killing of 4 Jews in a kosher supermarket his message was simple; get out: ‘We say to the Jews, to our brothers and sisters, Israel is your home and that of every Jew. Israel is waiting for you with open arms.” Which is exactly the message that the anti-Semites sought.
This was also the message that Avi Gabbay, leader of the Israeli Labour Party, conveyed when, in the wake of Pittsburgh, he called upon American Jews to emigrate to Israel, their ‘real home’. As Michael Koplow observed
it is a bizarre historical twist of fate that the overwhelming majority of non-Jewish Americans recognize that this is our home, while the Jewish head of the largest opposition party in the Knesset does not.
What is the real Israeli attitude to the massacre of 11 Jews in Pittsburgh?  Undoubtedly there are many Israelis who are genuinely shocked by what happened, for example Chemi Shalev’s article attacking Trump’s Complicity and Netanyahu’s Hypocrisy but it is also clear that there are many Zionists who welcome what happened. I am reminded of the reaction of Yossi Eliassi, The Shadow, a neo-Nazi rapper and Likud member, and his supporters, to the death of a Jewish teacher and peace activist in a bus bombing. A Glimpse into the Soul of Israel - the Spirit of ZionismIn the words of Shahar Peretz on Facebook,: ‘In short, another terrorist died.’
Eliassi’s reaction to Pittsburgh was to welcome it. In a Facebook post. Eliasi, who I have covered recently, portrayed the massacre as a legitimate response to the Hebrew Immigration Aid Committee’s support for refugees and migrants in the USA. The murderer Robert Bowers “was a man fed up with subversive progressive Jewish leftists injecting their sick agendas” into his country. Eliasi added ‘Jews like you brought the holocaust and now you’re causing antisemitism. Stop bringing in hate money from Soros.” [see Parasites circle the Pittsburgh Massacre, Morning Star, 1.11.18.]
But what The Shadow says openly others say in muted tones. This was explained by Uri Harari nearly 50 years ago in Yediot Aharonot of 9.2.69: Our Responsibility Towards the Jews in the Arab Countries
When we hear of riots, pogroms or hanging [of Jews] we seethe with anger, and justly so…. We try to do everything within our capacity to help the persecuted Jews. Then we ask ourselves, "Where were they all these years?", "Why did they not immigrate into the country [Israel] in time?"…Still later, and deep in our heart there is also a tiny flicker of vicious joy, "Serves them right!"; "We warned them!"; "We told them so!".
It is, of course, not customary for us to talk about it in public, but many of us felt a tiny bit of joy at another’s calamity when we read reports in the papers about the swastika epidemic in Europe in 1960, or about the [pro-Nazi] Takuara movement in Argentina. And even today, we have very mixed feelings when we read of de Gaulle’s anti-Semitic hints or about the intensification of anti-Jewish feelings among black leaders in the United States.
Despite all the anger and the shock and the insult, these phenomena fit into our world view, because Zionism said then, as it says today, that this is the state of affairs, and that such it must be so long as Jews live among Gentile nations….  we sometimes forget the negative aspect of Zionism – its cruel world view… [Zionism] assumes the eternal hatred of the Jew by the Gentile, irrespective of how liberal the Gentile may be.
Protecting Trump and a False Equivalence
Israel’s main concern after the Pittsburgh massacre was not the protection of America’s Jews but a desire to protect those primarily responsible for the massacre, the Trump Administration.  It’s second concern was to draw a false equivalence between Palestinian resistance to Israel’s racist regime, the solidarity movement and BDS and the fascist violence that resulted in the worst massacre of Jews in the history of the United States.
Zionist politicians in the US are using the tragedy of American Jewry in order to attack the BDS movement.  As Josh Nathan-Kazis put it
some Jewish leaders are seizing on the moment to make progress on long-standing policy agendas to pass legislation targeting the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement.’After Pittsburgh, Jewish Groups First Fight Is Against BDS — Not White Nationalism
Lara Friedman, president of the Foundation for Middle East Peace. described  it as ‘opportunistic and cynical’  to use the Pittsburgh massacre, ‘to shut down criticism of Israel and activism related to Israel.’But Zionism is nothing if not cynical.
Naftali Bennett, the far-Right Israeli Education Minister who was sent to the US set out to portray Pittsburgh as caused by anti-Semitism of the left and Right (shades of the Zionist narrative in the Labour Party):
“From Sderot, in Israel, to Pittsburgh, in Pennsylvania, the hand that fires missiles is the same hand that shoots worshippers. We will fight against the hatred of Jews and anti-Semitism wherever it raises its head, and we will prevail.”
As Bernard Avishai noted in The New Yorker, Bennett
‘personifies one side, the most strident side, of a repressed debate between American Jews and Israelis that the Pittsburgh murders must inevitably surface. What causes anti-Semitism, and can American liberalism—can any liberalism—work against it?’
Avishai is both right and wrong.  Yes Bennett symbolises the growing divide between Israel and American Jewry but the debate is about far more than what causes anti-Semitism. The debate revolves around what it means to be Jewish and whether being Jewish means being a Zionist, a supporter of chauvinism and racism. Whether Jews should continue to align with a ‘Jewish’ State with which the enemies of American Jews, the alt-Right and Breitbart, identify. In Pittsburgh, Naftali Bennett’s Presence Highlights the Debate Between Netanyahu’s Government and American Jews.
Nowhere is this dichotomy better illustrated than by Richard Spencer, the neo-Nazi and self-declared White Zionist founder of the alt-Right. In a series of tweets, Spencer wrote of his admiration for the Jewish Nation State law, which confers the right to national self-determination in Israel to Jewish citizens only and says Israel is 'showing a path forward for Europeans'. White Nationalist Richard Spencer Backs Israel's Contentious Nation-state Law  Israeli ambassador Ron Dermer was even cruder:
One of the big forces in college campuses today is anti-Semitism. And those anti-Semites are usually not neo-Nazis on college campuses. They’re coming from the radical left.”
Only in the minds of Dermer and Bennett can an equal’s sign be drawn between fascist anti-Semitism and support for the Palestinians. But for the Zionists Pittsburgh was too good an opportunity to miss. Senator Cory Booker, a New Jersey Democrat, took the opportunity of Pittsburgh to announce that he would co-sponsor the Israel Anti-Boycott Act.
Likewise Malcolm Hoenlein, Vice Chair of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations used Pittsburgh to push for support for a federal law which would adopt a “standardized” definition of anti-Semitism, laws to oppose BDS (shades of the IHRA).
Nathan-Kazis quotessome leaders within Hoenlein’s own organization as questioning this linkage between fascist violence and BDS: “I personally wouldn’t use the Pittsburgh massacre to justify the passage of anti-boycott legislation, I don’t think connecting the dots is wise or effective.” After Pittsburgh, Jewish Groups’ First Fight Is Against BDS — Not White Nationalism

Unlike in Britain where Zionist organisations like the CST and CAA play up every whisper or anti-Semitic tweet, in the United States Bennett did his best to pour cold water on the idea that anti-Semitism was increasing. At a lunch-time discussion he expressed his doubts about whether antisemitism is a problem.

Bennett came to the United States with one purpose above all, to defend the man who, more than any other, had created the hate atmosphere against refugees which led to the Pittsburgh massacre. To Bennett Trump was “a true friend of the State of Israel and to the Jewish people,” and criticized those “using the horrific anti-Semitic massacre to attack President Trump” as “unfair and wrong.” 
For Bennett it may be wrong and unfair to criticise the bigot that goes by the name of Trump but it was open season on the Palestinians for whom no criticism is unfair or wrong.
Naftali Bennett of course had difficulty attacking Trump’s war on refugees. Bennett has been foremost amongst those who have been attacking Israel’s Black African refugees.

Black African refugees in Israel that Naftali Bennett wants to deport

The Israeli government has been trying to deport 40,000 refugees for the crime of not being Jewish and even worse, being Black. As Netanyahu explained these refugees
threaten our existence as a Jewish and democratic state... This phenomenon is very grave and threatens the social fabric of society, our national security and our national identity
When Netanyahu negotiated an agreement with the UNHCR which would have meant Israel allowing half the refugees to stay in return for Europe taking the other half, Bennett vetoed it warningthat it would “turn Israel into a paradise for infiltrators”. Thus comparing the refugees to Palestine’s expelled Arab refugees (who used to be called 'infiltrators' when trying to return to their lands. In other words the refugees were no better than Palestinians.
However Bennett didn’t go unopposed. At a lunchtime meeting Bennett was confronted by 89-year-old Edward Bleier, a former Warner Bros. President  and Jewish philanthropist, who as Ha’aretz noted ‘gave him the schooling he badly needed.’
“Some of us are older than you are and we recall the pre-war period in America when the Nazis convened in Madison Square Garden and paraded on 96th Street with brown shirts and swastikas. And the rallying cry of the anti-Semites was ‘America First.’ So my hair stands on end when I hear an American president invoke that line,” Bleier told him.  American Jews May Never Forgive Israel for Its Reaction to the Pittsburgh Massacre
Ha’aretz commented that
‘It was a rare moment: An American Jew confronting one of the pack of Israeli officials who saw it as their role to act as Trump’s political armor, shielding him from any responsibility for Pittsburgh.’

SeeAmerica First, for Charles Lindbergh and Donald Trump

As Allison Kaplan Sommer noted in Ha’aretzand Forward
Never before has the State of Israel so blatantly demonstrated that it will protect its own political interests at the expense of American Jews.
Not only did Israel’s leaders choose Trump over American Jews, but they did so easily, naturally, without hesitation, leaping to the defense of a political leader who is actively and openly fanning the flames of hatred that now has an unprecedented death toll.
That they did this, and did so before the bodies of 11 American Jews –   brothers and sisters, mothers and fathers, grandmothers and grandfathers – were even buried, was experienced as a stab in the back that, even if it does heal one day, will leave a scar.
The image of the president touching down in Pittsburgh against the wishes of the mourners, no national congressional leaders or local politicians agreeing to be seen greeting him, accompanied only by Israeli ambassador Ron Dermer as a political flak jacket will remain an indelible image.
Like Bleier’s memories of the Brownshirts in Madison Square Garden, it may fade but will never be forgotten.
Jonathan Offir noted how Bennett exploited the massacre to demonize Palestinians.
He did not connect the dots between the massacre, anti-Semitism and white nationalism (which is the obvious nature of the attack), but rather between the attacker and Palestinians:  Israeli politicians’ responses to Pittsburgh terror expose Zionism’s reactionary core
likewise Adam Horowitz wrote how
The Israeli government is exploiting the Pittsburgh murders to try to demonize Palestine solidarity’

 “The murderous rampage at the Tree of Life synagogue had absolutely nothing to do with the struggle for Palestinian rights. And anyone who is telling you there is is shamelessly trying to use the murder of 11 innocent people to further their own racist agenda to dehumanize Palestinians and justify their ongoing oppression by the state of Israel.”
Rachel Shabi
In Britain it was left to the Guardian, ever eager to plough the furrow of fake ‘left’ anti-Semitism to echo Bennett and Trump’s message that ‘both sides’ – fascists and anti-fascists are to blame. Rachel Shabi, the ‘progressive’ face of Zionism lectured that After Pittsburgh, the left must face down all forms of racism. ‘Words can be deadly.’
Shabi wrote with all the sincerity of a fox trying to gain entrance to a chicken coop. ‘With 11 Jewish people killed at a synagogue, leftists had better ensure theirs don’t ring hollow’ which is, in itself, an example of how hollow and shallow the Guardian has become. Presumably it was all those leftists railing against the refugee caravan that first inspired Robert Bowers? Shabi lost no time revealing her real agenda:
‘right now, on social media, some of the response to Jewish people discussing the horrors of Pittsburgh is: what about Palestine? Even when Jews are killed for being Jews, they are, for some leftists, taking up too much attention, and deflecting from a greater cause for which they are collectively responsible.
It is as if idiot @rachshabi was oblivious to that which was underneath her nose, the visit of Naftali Bennett and his efforts to defend Trump in the name of Israel. It is a good example of how in its campaign against the left, the Guardian fails to grasp the most elementary facts that writers in Ha'aretz and Forward had no difficulty understanding. Shabi is a testament to the decline in the Guardian’s neo-liberal standards of journalism.
Compare Shabi’s hackneyed rhetoric to that of Rabbi Brant Rosen:

if we are to truly respond to this resurgence [of Anti-Semitism and White Nationalism], we must take pains to analyze anti-Semitism for what it is and what it is not. This is particularly important in the face of Israeli politicians and Israel advocacy organizations that are currently muddling the definition of anti-Semitism for cynical political gain. After Pittsburgh, We Can No Longer Cry Wolf on “Campus Anti-Semitism”

It is a sad commentary on British journalism that Shabi is taken seriously as a journalist and the Guardian is taken seriously as a newspaper. Instead of her reflex defence of Israel and Netanyahu, Shabi should read Dana Millbank’s Anti-Semitism is no longer an undertone of Trump’s campaign. It’s the melody and Trump’s America is not a safe place for Jews in the Washington Post explaining Trump’s anti-Semitism. It means:
ØØTelling Jewish Republicans they wouldn’t support him “because I don’t want your money.”
ØØ Tweeting an image from an anti-Semitic message board with a Star of David atop a pile of cash.
ØØ Saying “I don’t have a message” for supporters who threatened anti-Semitic violence against a Jewish journalist, and Melania Trump saying the writer “provoked” the threats.
ØØ Branding his campaign with the “America First” slogan of the anti-Semitic pre-war movement.
ØØ Alleging that “blood suckers” and “a global power structure” including “international banks” are secretly plotting against ordinary Americans.
ØØ And, when urged by the Anti-Defamation League to stop using traditionally anti-Semitic tropes, repeats the tropes in an ad with images of prominent Jews, including George Soros.
ØØ Once in office, in addition to making common cause with the Nazis of Charlottesville, Trump stocked his administration with Stephen K. Bannon and other figures of the nationalist “alt-right;” hesitated to condemn the rise of anti-Semitic threats and vandalism; issued a Holocaust remembrance statement without mention of Jews; lamented the attempts to silence Alex Jones, who peddles anti-Semitic conspiracy theories; and, declaring himself a “nationalist,” increased verbal attacks on “globalists,” particularly Soros.
But expecting anything substantive or serious on anti-Semitism and Israel in the Guardian these days would be like asking the Sun for an article on the malevolent influence of Murdoch.
Below are a series of articles on the reaction of American Jewry to Israel's attempt to exploit the massacre at Pittsburgh. Also included is an article in the New York Times, of all papers, on the growing cleavage between American Jewry and Israel.  It is dawning on increasing numbers of American Jews that the interests of the diaspora and the 'Jewish' state diverge.  To Israel the diaspora is a source of ready funds and political support. To Jews outside Israel, the Israeli state is a source of much of the anti-semitism they experience since Israel carries out its massacres and atrocities in the name of all Jews.


Tony Greenstein
Allison Kaplan Sommer, Forward 4.11.18.
Over the past week, American Jews expected comfort and support. Instead, Israeli government officials offered carefully honed political talking points, choosing Trump over them

Naftali Bennett speaks during a vigil, to remember the victims of the shooting at the Tree of Life synagogue, Pittsburgh, October 28, 2018. Brendan Smialowski / AFP
One stunning encounter that took place during Diaspora Affairs Minister Naftali Bennett’s visit to the United States last week encapsulated the distance between Israeli officialdom and American Jews reeling after the worst attack on their community in the country’s history. 

That moment came for Bennett during an appearance at the Council on Foreign Relations, after he winged his way to the United States to attend the funerals of the victims of the synagogue shooting in Pittsburgh.
After paying his respects, Bennett was quickly off to New York to make the rounds of the studios and conference rooms of major Jewish organizations to take full advantage of his unexpected trip to North America to raise his profile – after all, he makes no secret of his aspirations to the prime ministership.
From the moment he landed on U.S. soil, Bennett in his discussion with council members insistently defended President Donald Trump against accusations that the poisonous xenophobic tone and outlandish conspiracy theories he peddles bore any connection to the massacre in Pittsburgh. Bennett paired this with an equally problematic message that the threat of anti-Semitism in America was overblown.
 “This is not in any sense Germany of the ’30s, it doesn’t resemble that in any possible way,” Bennett declared confidently, according to a report in the Jewish Insider.
He was confronted by 89-year-old Edward Bleier, a former Warner Bros. president, media pioneer and Jewish philanthropist who, disgusted by Bennett's obversation, gave him the schooling he badly needed. He noted that the Israeli minister is poorly educated when it comes to the Jews of the Diaspora, their history and sensitivities.
“Some of us are older than you are and we recall the pre-war period in America when the Nazis convened in Madison Square Garden and paraded on 96th Street with brown shirts and swastikas. And the rallying cry of the anti-Semites was ‘America First.’ So my hair stands on end when I hear an American president invoke that line,” Bleier told him.
Naftali Bennett’s Fox interview, October 31, 2018. Fox News
It was a rare moment: An American Jew confronting one of the pack of Israeli officials who saw it as their role to act as Trump’s political armor, shielding him from any responsibility for Pittsburgh.
Most grieving American Jews were polite and deferential to Bennett and the parade of other Israeli officials whose remarks inspired headlines like “Israel Defends Trump Amid Synagogue Shooting Criticism,” 
The fury, resentment and disgust of American Jews toward Israel’s representatives only came pouring out afterward, in private conversations and across social media.
In the opinion pages and comment sections of Jewish outlets, commentators like former U.S. Ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro opined that Israelis had one job while America was “sitting shivah” – to listen, not lecture them on how they should feel or who they should blame, and certainly not on the eve of critical U.S. elections.
Shapiro recalled how, as ambassador, he was always careful not to bring politics into houses of mourning. And yet, long before this Shabbat, when we marked seven days since the murderous Pittsburgh attack – a symbolic shivah – American Jews got an earful from their Israeli brethren as to which political leaders they should or shouldn’t blame.   
It is something they have always made an effort not to do when the shoe is on the other foot. In their countless “solidarity missions” over the years when Israel was feeling attacked, broken and vulnerable, American-Jewish leaders always held back from telling Israel what to do as it mourned and buried its dead, after the all-too-frequent wars and terror attacks.
Whenever Diaspora Jews have dared step out of line, speak out, disagree or point out missteps by their Israeli counterparts, they are always scolded and shut down.
The typical reaction to such chutzpah is: “How can anyone who hasn’t lived in Israel, hasn’t served in the IDF or sent their children to serve, who hasn’t huddled in a shelter as missiles have fallen, seen friends and neighbors die in terror attacks, possibly understand what Israelis are going through?”
Daring to voice a partisan opinion on what is happening while parachuting in for a photo opportunity is seen as unacceptably audacious by people who, while they may be fellow Jews, have no skin – or blood – in the game.
Over the past week, when American Jews expected comfort and support, Israeli government officials instead offered carefully honed political talking points: It is “unfair” to assign responsibility to the president, they lectured. Trump is the best friend Israel has ever had in the White House. He has Jewish family members, therefore any implication that he is either anti-Semitic himself or encourages anti-Semitism with his populist “America First” rhetoric is outrageous.
Special U.S. midterms coverage with Allison Kaplan Sommer // Part 1: What we can expectHaaretz
These arguments were inevitabley followed up by the “both sides” defense: That Farrakhan-style anti-Semitism is equally as bad and dangerous as white supremacist Soros-bashing xenophobia.
The relationship between Israel and the overwhelmingly liberal non-Orthodox American-Jewish population has been no picnic in recent years. Memorable low points in the relationship: The crisis over Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressing Congress in order to lobby against the Iran deal, over the objections of the Obama White House; and the furious reaction by liberal non-Orthodox streams after what they viewed as betrayal over the Western Wall deal.
But until this moment, nothing has left American Jews feeling that they are being physically abandoned by their Israeli brothers. Never before has the State of Israel so blatantly demonstrated that it will protect its own political interests at the expense of American Jews.
Not only did Israel’s leaders choose Trump over American Jews, but they did so easily, naturally, without hesitation, leaping to the defense of a political leader who is actively and openly fanning the flames of hatred that now has an unprecedented death toll.
That they did this, and did so before the bodies of 11 American Jews –   brothers and sisters, mothers and fathers, grandmothers and grandfathers – were even buried, was experienced as a stab in the back that, even if it does heal one day, will leave a scar.
The image of the president touching down in Pittsburgh against the wishes of the mourners, no national congressional leaders or local politicians agreeing to be seen greeting him, accompanied only by Israeli ambassador Ron Dermer as a political flak jacket will remain an indelible image.
Like Bleier’s memories of the Brownshirts in Madison Square Garden, it may fade but will never be forgotten.

Israeli politicians’ responses to Pittsburgh terror expose Zionism’s reactionary core

Jonathan Offir
In the wake of the Pittsburgh white-supremacist’s terror attack on a synagogue, Israeli labor leader Avi Gabbay calledupon the Jews of the United States to immigrate more and more to Israel, because this is their home.”
This was an echo of Prime Minister Netanyahu, who in the wake of the 2015 Paris terror shootings, messagedall the Jews of France”, indeed “all the Jews of Europe”: “the state of Israel is your home”.
This is hardly the first time that the opposition leader Gabbay echoes Netanyahu so precisely and in such similar contexts. Last year, he approvingly cited Netanyahu’s words: “The left has forgotten what it means to be Jewish”. Gabbay was aware of the historical and racist context of Netanyahu’s original statement, which was caught on hot mic in 1997 (Netanyahu also said that the left “think that our security can be placed in the hands of Arabs”) – and Gabbay explicitly credited Netanayhu.
Gabbay’s statements on Pittsburgh were regarded as “tone-deaf”by the Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA), and even centrist lawmaker (and former Israeli Ambassador to US) Michael Oren felt a need to damage-control Gabbay’s words for being too nationalist:
“Avi Gabbay said things that should not be said because he simply does not understand. Through his words he adds insult to injury. The call to U.S. Jewry, especially after last night [massacre in Pittsburgh], deeply hurts their feelings and reduces their desire for Aliyah [emigration to Israel]. Gabbay does not understand anything about Israel’s relationship with the Diaspora.”
Michael Oren is an expert on saying things that should not be said. Earlier this year, he found ultimate proof that Ahed Tamimi’s family was not a “real family”, posting as evidence two photos of the family that he said were different when they were actually the same photo in a mirrored pairing:
‘A boy of 12 takes a photo with a cast on the right arm, the next day with a cast on left arm. You tell me if it’s not funded and directed? The Tamimi family is part of the “Pallywood” industry, which sends children to confront IDF soldiers in order to cause PR damage to Israel, for money’.
So if Michael Oren tells you you’ve gone too far, then you may really be in too deep.
Offensive statements “correcting” American Jews for their supposed naiveté and liberalism seem to regularly come from the Israeli Zionist left, as for example when former left leader Isaac Herzog (now head of Jewish Agency) calledintermarriage, especially amongst US Jews, a “plague” this summer.
The calls to emigrate to Israel in the wake of anti-Semitic violence abroad appear to be intrinsic to Zionist thinking, and the whole notion of ‘assimilation’, be it through inter-marriage or otherwise, is regularly frowned upon (if not worse) by Zionists, who see this as weakness, since their solution is an exclusivist, isolationist one.
Zvia Greeenfield, a prominent leftist former Meretz lawmaker, wrote in Haaretz this week:
“The American Jewish minority still faces the question that has preoccupied the Diaspora since the French Revolution and the departure from the ghetto: Is it better for Jews to maintain a separate identity or to assimilate into local society? Recognizing that on the broader level (although perhaps not on an individual level) assimilation as a solution is an illusion that would sooner or later come to a violent end was what motivated Theodor Herzl to offer the Zionist solution – Jewish self-sovereignty. But the large American Jewish minority did not choose Herzl’s proposal, and today most of it chooses to assimilate into society at large and assume everything will be fine”.
Greenfield extolls the Zionist solution:
“In Israel, the country itself, with its difficult dilemmas and great successes, is the grand vision of the new Judaism. It provides the answer to the question of why it’s worth remaining Jews, and what it means to be a Jew in the post-halakhic era. Those who reject this answer remain with a question that has no resolution other than assimilation”.
That’s an Israeli leftist talking! Greenfield has recently also written in Haaretz on why Israel should treat Saudi Arabia’s Mohammed Bin Salman with “kids gloves”, even if he dissolved Jamal Kashoggi’s body in acid, because “Mohammed”, as she calls him, will bring peace.
This type of Israeli-Zionist condescending attitude appears to be a growing menace for many American Jews. Writing in The New Yorker, Bernard Avishai surveys other Israeli responses to the massacre, in his piece titled “In Pittsburgh, Naftali Bennett’s Presence Highlights the Debate Between Netanyahu’s Government and American Jews”. Covering the message by Education and Diaspora Minister Bennett, including his cryptic statement that “Jewish blood is not free,” Avishai writes:
“Bennett was no doubt sincere in his empathy and his outrage. But Bennett—the public figure, not the designated mourner—personifies one side, the most strident side, of a repressed debate between American Jews and Israelis that the Pittsburgh murders must inevitably surface. What causes anti-Semitism, and can American liberalism—can any liberalism—work against it?”
Bennett also exploited the massacre to demonize Palestinians. He did not connect the dots between the massacre, anti-Semitism and white nationalism (which is the obvious nature of the attack), but rather between the attacker and Palestinians:
“From Sderot, in Israel, to Pittsburgh, in Pennsylvania, the hand that fires missiles is the same hand that shoots worshippers. We will fight against the hatred of Jews and anti-Semitism wherever it raises its head, and we will prevail.”
As Adam Horowitz wroteon this site, the “Israeli government is exploiting the Pittsburgh murders to try to demonize Palestine solidarity”:
“The murderous rampage at the Tree of Life synagogue had absolutely nothing to do with the struggle for Palestinian rights. And anyone who is telling you there is is shamelessly trying to use the murder of 11 innocent people to further their own racist agenda to dehumanize Palestinians and justify their ongoing oppression by the state of Israel.”
Bennett had predictably brought up the Holocaust, in his ‘educating’ message to the American Jewish community:
“Nearly eighty years since Kristallnacht, when the Jews of Europe perished in the flames of their houses of worship, one thing is clear: anti-Semitism, Jew-hating, is not a distant memory”.
Bernard Avishai, considering it a statement lacking tact, noted the inherent condescension:
‘Bennett’s supposition that members of his audience thought of anti-Semitism as a “piece of history”—that they were in need of his corrective—suggests only how he’s underestimated them’…
Avishai notes how Nancy Bernstein, co-chair of the liberal-Zionist J Street Pittsburgh, said that Bennett’s appearance was a “blight” on otherwise moving proceedings.
So there’s even a dismay, also from Zionists themselves, about the way other Zionists exploit anti-Semitism in order to bolster their Zionist anti-Palestinian message. And about how other Zionists, particularly Israeli ones, use anti-Semitism to unfurl their better-knowing arrogance and obnoxious chauvinism of “we told you so.” Yet these critics (such as Avishai and Bernstein) still remain Zionists.
Although this arrogance comes from both right and left, many are still in the impression that there is an inclusivist Zionism, one that is truly liberal. But the very essence of Zionism is an isolationist one. Its very core is driving out of the “others” to make way for “us”, as Israeli historian Benny Morris notes:
Transfer was inevitable and inbuilt in Zionism – because it sought to transform a land which was ‘Arab’ into a Jewish state and a Jewish state could not have arisen without a major displacement of Arab population”.
Adherents of this ideology are hardly the ones to provide an answer to violence resulting from racist-exclusivist extremists.
When Israeli leaders and pundits, from right and left, are supposedly “tactless” in their statements on anti-Semitism, it is not because they are making aberrant mistakes. They are simply making Freudian slips which result from the exclusivist-nationalist vein of Zionism, which relies uponanti-Semitism to bolster its message of “we told you so”. When that happens, there is often attempt to damage-control by other Zionists, who do not want these comments to damage the liberal image of Israel too much. After all, those naïve and erring diaspora Jews should be treated with some respect…
But in the end, this is what Zionism is about. It is a reaction to real liberalism, suggesting nationalist isolation as the only solution. And nationalist isolation is exactly what the Pittsburgh shooter was about.  


Is the world ready for another Great Schism?
Credit Melinda Beck

Jan. 4, 2019
The events of the past year brought American and Israeli Jews ever closer to a breaking point. President Trump, beloved in Israel and decidedly unloved by a majority of American Jews, moved the United States Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem in May, with the fiery evangelical pastors John Hagee and Robert Jeffress consecrating the ceremony.
In October, after the murder of 11 Jews at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, President Trump went to that city to pay his respects. Members of the Jewish community there, in near silent mourning, came out to protest Mr. Trump’s arrival, declaring that he was not welcome until he gave a national address to renounce the rise of white nationalism and its attendant bigotry.
The only public official to greet the president at the Tree of Life was Israel’s ambassador to the United States, Ron Dermer.
At a Hanukkah celebration at the White House last month, the president raised eyebrows and age-old insinuations of dual loyalties when he told American Jews at the gathering that his vice president had great affection for “your country,” Israel.
Yossi Klein Halevi, the American-born Israeli author, has framed this moment starkly: Israeli Jews believe deeply that President Trump recognizes their existential threats. In scuttling the Obama-era Iran nuclear deal, which many Israelis saw as imperiling their security, in moving the American Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, in basically doing whatever the government of Benjamin Netanyahu asks, they see a president of the United States acting to save their lives.
American Jews, in contrast, see President Trump as their existential threat, a leader who they believe has stoked nationalist bigotry, stirred anti-Semitism and, time and time again, failed to renounce the violent hatred swirling around his political movement. The F.B.I. reports that hate crimes in the United States jumped 17 percent in 2017, with a 37 percent spike in crimes against Jews and Jewish institutions.
When neither side sees the other as caring for its basic well-being, “that is a gulf that cannot be bridged,” Michael Siegel, the head rabbi at Chicago’s Conservative Anshe Emet Synagogue, told me recently. He is an ardent Zionist.
To be sure, a vocal minority of Jews in Israel remain queasy about the American president, just as a vocal minority of Jews in the United States strongly support him. But more than 75 percent of American Jews voted for the Democrats in the midterm elections; 69 percent of Israelis voiced confidence in Mr. Trump, up from 49 percent who had confidence in Barack Obama in 2015, according to the Pew Research Center. Israel is also one of the few developed countries where opinion about the United States has improved since Mr. Trump took office.
Part of the distance between Jews in the United States and Israeli Jews may come from the stance that Israel’s leader is taking on the world stage. Mr. Netanyahu has embraced the increasingly authoritarian Hungarian leader Victor Orban, who ran a blatantly anti-Semitic re-election campaign. He has aligned himself with ultranationalists like Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and a Polish government that passed a law making it a crime to suggest the Poles had any responsibility for the Holocaust.
The Israeli prime minister was one of the very few world leaders who reportedly ran interference for the Trump administration after the murder of the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi and urged President Trump to maintain his alliance with the Saudi crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman. Mr. Netanyahu’s son Yair was temporarily kicked off Facebook for writing that he would “prefer” that “all the Muslims leave the land of Israel.”
Last month, with multiple corruption investigations closing in on him and his conservative coalition fracturing, Mr. Netanyahu called for a snap election in April, hoping to fortify his political standing.
If past is prologue, his election campaign will again challenge American Jewry’s values. As his 2015 campaign came to a close, Mr. Netanyahu darkly warned his supporters that “the right-wing government is in danger — Arab voters are heading to the polling stations in droves,” adding with a Trumpian flourish that left-wing organizations “are bringing them in buses.”
Israeli politicians — and citizens — are increasingly dismissive of the views of American Jews anyway. Evangelical Christians, ardently pro-Israel, give Jerusalem a power base in Washington that is larger and stronger than the American Jewish population. And with Orthodox American Jews aligned with evangelicals, that coalition has at least an interfaith veneer — even without Conservative and Reform Jews, the bulk of American Jewry.
The divide between American Jews and Israeli Jews goes beyond politics. A recent law tried to reinstate the Chief Rabbinate as the only authority that can legally convert non-Orthodox Jews in Israel. Israel’s chief Ashkenazi rabbi, after the slaughter in Pittsburgh, refused to refer to the Conservative Tree of Life as a synagogue at all, calling it “a place with a profound Jewish flavor.”
Already only Orthodox Jewish weddings are legal in Israel. Reform Jews have been roughed up when praying at the Western Wall. Promises to Jewish women that the Israeli rabbinate would become more inclusive have largely led to disappointment. Last summer, the group Women of the Wall was warned that if it did not remain confined to the small, barricaded area within the “women’s section,” its members would be barred from praying there altogether.
And the stalemate over Palestinian rights and autonomy has become nearly impossible to dismiss as some temporary roadblock, awaiting perhaps a new government in Jerusalem or a new leadership of the Palestinian Authority.
The two-state solution is increasingly feeling like a cruel joke. American Jews’ rabbis and lay leaders counsel them to be vigilant against any other solution, such as granting Palestinians full rights in a greater Israel, because those solutions would dilute or destroy Israel’s identity as a Jewish state. Be patient, American Jews are told. Peace talks are coming. The Palestinians will have their state.
In the meantime, the movement to boycott, divest from and sanction Israel grows stronger on American campuses, and new voices are emerging in the Democratic Party, such as Representatives Ilhan Omar of Minnesota and Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, who are willing to speak openly about Palestinian rights and autonomy where other lawmakers have declined to do so.
Of course, American Jews, like Israeli Jews, are not a monolith. Within the American Jewish population, there is a significant generational split on Israel that goes beyond ideology. Older American Jews, more viscerally aware of the Holocaust and connected to the living history of the Jewish state, are generally willing to look past Israeli government actions that challenge their values. Or they embrace those actions. Younger American Jews do not typically remember Israel as the David against regional Goliaths. They see a bully, armed and indifferent, 45 years past the Yom Kippur War, the last conflict that threatened Israel’s existence.
American Jewry has been going its own way for 150 years, a drift that has created something of a new religion, or at least a new branch of one of the world’s most ancient faiths.
In a historical stroke with resonance today, American Jewish leaders gathered in Pittsburgh in 1885 to produce what is known as the Pittsburgh Platform, a new theology for an American Judaism, less focused on a Messianic return to the land of Israel and more on fixing a broken world, the concept of Tikkun Olam. Jews, the rabbi behind the platform urged, must achieve God’s purpose by “living and working in and with the world.”
For a faith that for thousands of years was insular and self-contained, its people often in mandated ghettos, praying for the Messiah to return them to the Promised Land, this was a radical notion. But for most American Jews, it is now accepted as a tenet of their religion: building a better, more equal, more tolerant world now, where they live.
Last summer, when a Conservative rabbi in Haifa was hauled in for questioning by the Israeli police after he officiated at a non-Orthodox wedding, it was too much for Rabbi Steven Wernick, chief executive of the United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism, the umbrella organization of the Conservative movement in North America.
“I do not believe we can talk about a ‘gap’ between Israel and the Diaspora,” Rabbi Wernick wrote in a letter to the Israeli government. “It is now a ‘canyon.’”
My rabbi in Washington, Daniel Zemel, quoted the Israeli Yaniv Sagee during Kol Nidre, the Yom Kippur evening service, this fall: “For the first time in my life, I feel a genuine threat to my life in Israel. This is not an external threat. It is an internal threat from nationalists and racists.”
Rabbi Zemel implored his congregation to act before it is too late, to save Israel from itself.
But Israelis want nothing of the sort. American Jews don’t serve in the Israeli military, don’t pay Israeli taxes and don’t live under the threat of Hamas rocket bombardments. And many American Jews would not heed Rabbi Zemel’s call.
Zionism divided American Jewry for much of the latter 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. Those divisions remained in the early decades of the Jewish state, fading only with the triumph of the Arab-Israeli War of 1967 and the peril of the Yom Kippur War.
Now many American Jews, especially young American Jews, would say, Israel is Israel’s problem. We have our own.
There are roughly 6.5 million Jews in Israel. There are roughly 5.7 million Jews in America. Increasingly, they see the world in starkly different ways.
The Great Schism is upon us.
Correction: January 4, 2019
An earlier version of this article misattributed a quotation. It was the Israeli Yaniv Sagee, not Rabbi Daniel Zemel, who said: “For the first time in my life, I feel a genuine threat to my life in Israel. This is not an external threat. It is an internal threat from nationalists and racists.”
Correction: January 14, 2019
An earlier version of this article imprecisely described a finding of a recent Pew Research Center survey. It is the percentage of Israelis who expressed confidence in the American president that rose to 69 percent, not the percentage of Israelis with a favorable view of the United States under President Trump.
Jonathan Weisman is a veteran Washington journalist, deputy Washington editor at The Times and author of the novel “No. 4 Imperial Lane” and the nonfiction book “(((Semitism))): Being Jewish in America in the Age of Trump.”

The Democrats are the Graveyard of all Protest and Social Movements

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Billionaire Republican Donors Helped Elect Congress’s New Centrist Democrats


Most of us were pleased with the news that the Republicans had lost control of the House of Representatives last November and the resulting discomfiture of Donald Trump. We were even more pleased that for the first time, open supporters of the Palestinians were elected.
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez dislodged a 10 term Democrat in New York. Both Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib, elected for constituencies in Minnesota and Michigan, have come out in support of BDS. Opinion in the Democratic Party is slowly shifting in support of the Palestinians.
However it would be a great mistake to assume that this change at the rank and file level is having any great impact nationally.  As the following article from The Intercept shows, the major winners in the November elections were the Corporate Democrats. It would be great mistake to assume that the election of Ocasio-Cortez and her sisters reflected the Democrats in the House as a whole.
What we saw was billionaire Republican donors financing ‘centrist’, i.e. right-wing Democrats.  The ‘blue dog Democrats’ increased their numbers to 24 and it is estimated that the right-wing caucuses have 90 members between them.
Another right-wing caucus, the Problem Solvers Caucus (it seems that the only problems they solve are how the rich can get richer) consists of 24 Democrats and 24 Republicans. Bipartisanship is the way that the capitalist system ensures that there is never a political challenge to corporate corruption. They have imposed a procedural demand on the Speaker-elect of the House, Nancy Pelosi that she give greater privileges to Republican members from now on.
The same caucus members were responsible for ensuring that Obama’s Affordable Care Act did not attempt to cut the price of drugs thus providing a windfall for the drug companies.
There is a saying (though I can’t find where it originated!) that the Democrats are the graveyard of all social protest. Historically they were the party of segregation and slavery. The Southern Dixiecrats were epitomised by George Wallace, four times Governor of Alabama and a three-time Presidential candidate.
At a time when the American electorate are moving to the left, a shift symbolised by Bernie Sanders near-win in the Democratic primaries against Hilary Clinton (which he might have won but for fraudulent conduct of those primaries by the Democratic National Committee) the Democrats pose a danger to progressive and socialist movements.
Both the Republican and Democratic represent different wings of the capitalist political establishment.  Although the Democrats have a radical and even socialist fringe, their whole make up and organisation is based on support for the existing capitalist system.  It is riddled with corporate influence and finance. It is the task of socialists and radicals to build a third party based on the American labour movement.
Tony Greenstein
The three centrist Democratic caucus groups could boast as many as 90 members or more in January when new lawmakers elected this month are sworn in.
December 2, 2018 Lee Fang The Intercept

From left, James Murdoch in N.Y., on Sept. 20, 2018, Howard Marks in N.Y., on Aug. 1, 2017, Louis Bacon in N.Y., on Jan. 17, 2013, Nelson Peltz in N.Y., on July 16, 2014., Bryan Bedder/Getty Images; Christopher Goodney/Getty Images; Diane Bondareff/AP; Heidi Gutman/Getty Images

 JUST THREE YEARS ago, hedge fund manager Louis Bacon was writing a $19,600 check to a committee called “Boehner for Speaker.”
Now, the billionaire GOP donor has pivoted to influence the future of the Democratic Party. Records show Bacon is one of several deep-pocketed donors that have shifted to financing recent Democratic campaigns. Though national media attention has focused largely on newly elected democratic socialists and progressive members, the House Democratic caucus has also swelled with pro-business moderates, such as the Blue Dogs, the Problem Solvers Caucus, and the New Democrats.
The newly ascendent centrists flexed their muscle this week when a bloc of moderate lawmakers imposed a set of rules on Rep. Nancy Pelosi in her bid for speaker of the House, forcing the California Democrat to accept parliamentary changes that are designed to give the GOP greater access to floor votes and amending legislation.
The rule changes were proposed by the Problem Solvers Caucus — a nearly 2-year-old group affiliated with the organization No Labels that consists of 24 House Democrats and 24 House Republicans. Many of the members of the caucus were elected with financial support from Bacon, the billionaire hedge fund manager, along other wealthy donors with a long history of giving to Republicans.
When the House was previously under Democratic control, the Blue Dogs and New Democrats helped industry lobbyists kill health care reforms designed to lower costs and expand public insurance options. Earlier this year, the same bloc sided with House Republicans to repeal financial reforms on medium and large-sized banks.
On Monday, the Blue Dog Coalition also formally announced the addition of eight new members, bringing the total group to 24 members. The new members represent a rebound for the caucus, which has lost a lot of its members since the 2010 tea party wave. The recent electoral success is at least partially thanks to close ties to Democratic leadership — the Blue Dog caucus, notably, helped the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee identify pro-business candidates for swing districts ahead of the midterm elections.
The Blue Dog caucus is known for embracing a corporate-friendly agenda draped in rhetoric about finding common ground with conservatives. The caucus has a long history of supporting defense spending, fiscal austerity, and corporate-friendly free trade deals and regulations, while opposing civil rights legislation and expanded social services.
The three newly elected Blue Dog co-chairs, Reps. Stephanie Murphy, D-Fla.; Tom O’Halleran, D-Ariz.; and Lou Correa, D-Calif., are simultaneously members of the New Democrats. Murphy and O’Halleran are also members of the Problem Solvers Caucus and were two of the members who signed a letter demanding rule changes in exchange for their support of Pelosi. The three centrist caucus groups could boast as many as 90 members or more in January when new lawmakers elected this month are sworn in.
No Labels, Lots of Cash
The newly empowered centrist Democrats rode a wave of big money into office.
Federal Election Commission records show that much of the centrist bloc has been financed by eight Super PACs associated with group No Labels, a centrist group that created the Problem Solvers Caucus.
Despite the litany of PACs, the donors remain largely the same group of about 13 wealthy businessmen, most of whom have a history of financing Republican campaigns.
Bacon, the founder of the Moore Capital Management hedge fund, gave $1.1 million in campaign contributions exclusively to GOP committees for federal office during the 2016 cycle. This cycle, Bacon gave $1 million to three No Labels-affiliated Super PACs, with much of that money flowing to races that elected centrist Democrats. One of the groups, United for Progress, played a decisive role in helping Rep. Dan Lipinski, a centrist Illinois Democrat who is anti-abortion, beat back a progressive primary challenger.
James Murdoch, chief executive of 21st Century Fox, the parent company of Fox News, gave $500,000 to United for Progress, a No Labels Super PAC. The group transferred $730,000 to another No Labels Super PAC, Progress Tomorrow, which helped Rep. Darren Soto, D-Fla., fend off a primary challenge this year from former Rep. Alan Grayson, who has been highly critical of Fox News.
Lipinski and Soto, who are members of the Problem Solvers Caucus, both signed the letter to Pelosi. They are also members of the New Democrats, and Lipinski is the former policy co-chair of the Blue Dogs.
Investor Nelson Peltz, an adviser to No Labels, has donated $900,000 to No Labels Super PACs and directly to several centrist Democrats that pressed to impose new rules on Pelosi, including Reps. Josh Gottheimer of New Jersey and Tom Suozzi of New York, and Murphy, the representative from Florida. Peltz is also a major donor to Donald Trump, having given to the president’s campaign and joint fundraising committee over the last two cycles.
Peltz, who made much of his fortune using junk bonds, has awarded himself very large pay packages. At one of his former companies, known as Triac, he paid himself $29 million for a company with only $1.2 billion in sales. After the election in 2016, he urged support for Trump and called for policies that give investors a special tax holiday on repatriated oversees profits.
Last year, the Washington Post revealed that the top aide to Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin traveled on Peltz’s private plane, a trip that raised ethics concerns. Peltz notably has pushed for lower tax rates for corporations.
Dan Webb, co-executive chair of the law firm Winston & Strawn, gave $100,000 to Citizens for a Strong America, one of the No Labels Super PACs. Webb’s other direct federal donations this cycle only went to two incumbent House Republicans.
The individual donors named in this article did not respond to requests for comment. Melanie Sloan, a spokesperson for No Labels, noted that she’d seen our request to at least one of the donors. In a statement, she said, “No one in the Problem Solvers Caucus takes their marching orders from a donor.”
The Problem Solvers Caucus, Sloan added, “didn’t demand plum committee assignments, goodies for their districts, a special interest provision or any of the other horse trading usually required to move a congressional vote from no to yes. They asked for reforms that are good for the whole Congress, and they started pushing for them over the summer, when they didn’t even know which party would control Congress or who would be Speaker.”
Most of the No Labels backers have not been strictly partisan in campaign giving. Howard Marks, co-founder of Oaktree Capital Management, has been a major player in Democratic fundraising circles and was a heavyweight donor to Hillary Clinton, though he also donated briefly to former Rep. Eric Cantor, R-Va. Another donor to the No Labels Super PACs, John Arnold, the former Enron energy trader, has given largely to Democrats but also to Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas.
Earlier this week, The Intercept reported that former Clinton adviser Mark Penn, who owns an investment company that owns a stake in a number of political consulting firms, has quietly shaped the anti-Pelosi strategy. Penn’s spouse Nancy Jacobson is the founder of No Labels.
The No Labels project touts itself as an effort to build commonsense solutions to vexing political issues. Yet the group did not demand that Republicans John Boehner or Paul Ryan seek Democratic votes or open legislation to Democratic amendments in order to serve as House speaker, a new bipartisan criteria the group succeeded in imposing in part on Pelosi.
Instead, in the era of unlimited campaign giving, the organization has provided a backdoor way for Republican donors to shape control of the Democrats, even when the GOP is defeated at the ballot box.
Blue Dogs Fetch Dark Money
One of the other Super PACs that worked to elect centrist members is known as the Center Forward Committee, an outgrowth of the Blue Dog Research Forum, a now-shuttered think tank affiliated with the House Democratic caucus.
The group was formed by former Rep. John Tanner, D-Tenn., and other retired centrist Democrats. Tanner now serves at the lobbying firm Prime Policy Group, which represents many corporate clients, including FedEx, Bayer, the American Hospital Association, Google, and the National Restaurant Association.
The Super PAC spent big on electing moderate, pro-business Democrats, including Florida’s Murphy, Arizona’s O’Halleran, and Rep.-elect Mikie Sherrill, D-N.J. But unlike the New Labels PACs, the Center Forward Committee has virtually no identifiable individual or corporate donors. Out of $1.2 million the Super PAC raised, $980,000 came from Center Forward, an affiliated 501(c)(4) nonprofit that is not required to disclose its donors. Another $200,000 came from the New Democrats PAC and the Blue Dog PAC, two groups nearly fully funded by a range of corporate PAC money. Center Forward did not return a request for comment.
Despite the opaque nature of the big-money group, there are some hints.
The National Restaurant Association, an avowed opponent of expanding union rights and raising the minimum wage, is funded through company donations from the likes of McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, and Jack in the Box franchise owners, though the group does not provide a public breakdown of exactly how it is funded. The National Rifle Association, notably, directly contributed $40,000 to the Blue Dog-affiliated Super PAC, according to FEC disclosures.
Other corporate donors have given through a daisy chain of semi-disclosed entities. The Center Forward 501(c)(4), for instance, received $77,000 from NCTA, a trade group that represents Comcast, Cox Communications, and other cable giants, according to the 2017 tax filing made available to The Intercept last week.
The Blue Dogs’s name comes from paintings of dogs that once adornedthe walls of former Louisiana Rep. Billy Tauzin’s congressional office, who once hosted an informal gathering of fellow conservative southern Democrats. Tauzin, notably, switched to the Republican Party in 1995. He later oversaw the creation of Medicare Part D through 2003 legislation that expanded drug benefits to seniors. Tauzin passed the bill with a special provision preventing the government from negotiating with pharmaceutical companies for better prices.
Tauzin later retired from Congress and took the job as the chief lobbyist for the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, known as PhRMA, the very drug industry group whose corporate members he had showered with an unprecedented financial windfall reaped by the Medicare expansion he passed. In 2010, Tauzin helped convince Democrats to leave aggressive cost-cutting measures out of the Affordable Care Act, another win for drugmakers. That year, he was paid $11.6 million by the drug lobby for his services.
PhRMA, again facing political headwinds as Democrats confront high drug prices, appears to have been laying the groundwork for the challenge. The group’s most recently filed tax return shows that PhRMA provided massive donations to a range of pro-Trump and Republican groups, along with conservative nonprofits fighting against greater government oversight of the drug industry.
But the filings also show one seven-figure donation to Democrats: PhRMA gave $1.19 million to Center Forward last year, the dark-money group that helped elect several Blue Dogs to Congress in the Trump era.


Lee Fang is a journalist with a long-standing interest in how public policy is influenced by organized interest groups and money. He was the first to uncover and detail the role of the billionaire Koch brothers in financing the Tea Party movement. His interviews and research on the Koch brothers have been featured on HBO’s “The Newsroom,” the documentaries “Merchants of Doubt” and “Citizen Koch,” as well as in multiple media outlets. He was an investigative blogger for ThinkProgress (2009-2011) and then a fellow at the Investigative Fund of the Nation Institute and contributing writer for The Nation.
In 2012, he co-founded RepublicReport.org, a blog to cover political corruption that syndicates content with TheNation.com, Salon, National Memo, BillMoyers.com, TruthOut, and other media outlets. His work has been published by VICE, The Baffler, the Boston Globe, the San Francisco Chronicle, The Progressive, NPR, In These Times, and the Huffington Post. His first book, “The Machine: A Field Guide to the Resurgent Right,” published by the New Press, explores how the conservative right rebuilt the Republican Party and its political clout in the aftermath of President Obama’s 2008 election victory. He is based in San Francisco.
Will those who focus on wealth’s concentration gain the upper hand within the Democratic Party’s leadership?
December 12, 2018 Sam Pizzigati

Bernie Sanders, Joseph Biden: two different approaches to billionaires, Getty Images
Back in the closing years of the 20th century, the British Labour Party leader Tony Blair thoroughly redefined his party’s essence. Labour, Blair believed, had to shake off the past and become a political force “on the side” of the upwardly mobile, not just workers and their unions.
Blair’s chief strategist, Peter Mandelson, would capture the new Blairite sensibility with a quip that would go viral in the UK, even before the days of social media.
“We are intensely relaxed about people getting filthy rich,” Mandelson opined, “as long as they pay their taxes.”
And those taxes would stay modest in the years after Blair’s electoral triumph in 1997. Prime minister Blair would pay precious little attention to the increasing concentration of British income, wealth, and power in the hands of a filthy rich few.
How did that benign neglect work out for average people in the UK? Not so well. Families in Britain’s industrial belt, reeling ever since the 1980s free-market fundamentalism of the Conservative Party leader Margaret Thatcher, continued on a dispiriting economic slide.
Corporate and banking honchos, meanwhile, stuffed their pockets and eventually crashed the British economy. For an encore, they helped shove Great Recession Britain into years of austerity that placed the full burden of economic recovery onto the backs of low- and middle-income households.
This toxic economic stew would bubble over into a widespread political frustration that right-wing fringe elements would shamelessly exploit. The resulting wave of racism and xenophobia and a national mood sour and cynical,” concludes one UK commentator, have become Tony Blair’s “legacy.”
The good news? An intense relaxation about the filthy rich no longer dominates the British Labour Party. In 2015, the backbench lawmaker Jeremy Corbyn came from seemingly nowhere to win the party’s top leadership post. Corbyn and his fellow progressives have since led Labour to new policy stances that repudiate the Blairite indifference toward grand concentrations of private wealth.
Why should Americans care about this history from across the Atlantic? One simple reason: Our past quarter-century of history eerily mirrors the course of events in the UK.
In the 1990s, the British had a relaxed-about-the-rich Tony Blair. We had a relaxed-about-the-rich Bill Clinton. No one in the Clinton administration would ever capture their relaxation perspective as colorfully as Peter Mandelson did in the UK. But some Clintonites came close.
Former Clinton Council of Economic Advisors chief Laura D’Andrea Tyson may have come the closest. In remarks at a 1998 Federal Reserve conference, Tyson asked us to imagine our income distribution as an apartment building with a rat-infested basement and a penthouse ever more luxurious. What to do? Pillage the penthouse? By all means no, contended Tyson. We need to focus instead on doing “something about that rat-infested basement.”
Worrying about the wealth of the wealthy, in other words, simply distracts us from more pressing matters.
This attitude has dominated the Democratic Party leadership mainstream ever since President John F. Kennedy started pushing tax cuts on America’s highest incomes as a secret sauce for economic progress. More dollars in rich people’s pockets, the argument went, would enhance the nation’s economic growth, in the process creating a “rising tide” that would “lift all boats.”
In more recent years, even Democrats who’ve challenged the Democratic Party leadership mainstream have accepted the be-happy-don’t-worry framing on grand fortune.
“The thing to do is concentrate on the 90 percent of people who don’t have what they need and make sure they have it, and not worry about the people who make $500,000 a year,” as former Vermont governor Howard Dean noted in his insurgent 2004 White House bid. “Of course, it’s obscene, but so what?”
How has this relaxation about the filthy rich, a constant through both the Clinton and the Obama years, worked out for average families in the United States? We have essentially suffered the same fate as the British. Hard-hit industrial centers have continued to rust. Real wages have stagnated, and widespread economic insecurity has exploded into a frustration and cynicism that purveyors of xenophobia and racism have shamelessly exploited.
The Brits ended up with Brexit. We ended up with Donald Trump.
But here in the United States, as in the UK, we’ve seen a political pushback against relaxing while wealth continues to furiously concentrate. In 2016, a year after backbencher Jeremy Corbyn helped energize an end to that relaxation within the Labour Party, backbencher Bernie Sanders came out swinging against the “billionaire class” and performed far better in the Democratic Party presidential primaries than any pundit ever thought possible.
Unlike Corbyn in 2015, Senator Sanders ultimately fell short in 2016. What will now happen in 2020? Will Sanders or someone who shares his perspective on grand fortune win the Democratic nomination? Will those who worry — intensely — about wealth’s concentration gain the upper hand within the Democratic Party’s leadership?
At the grassroots level, Gallup polling suggests, that shift has already taken place. Late this past spring, Gallup researchers asked a cross-section of Americans a simple question they had originally asked in 2012: “Do you think the United States benefits from having a class of rich people, or not?
Six years ago, a slim majority of self-identified Democrats, 52 percent, told Gallup they do believe that the United States benefits from having rich people in our midst. That slim majority has now evaporated. In the 2018 surveying, only 43 percent of Democrats felt that the United States benefits from having a class of rich people.
A clear majority of grassroots Democrats now believe, in effect, that we don’t need the rich. We don’t have that clarity —at least not yet — at the party leadership level. What we do have: a clear fault line within the ranks of those who seek to shape the party’s future.
“We must develop an international movement that takes on the greed and ideology of the billionaire class and leads us to a world of economic, social and environmental justice,” Senator Sanders noted earlier this year. “Will this be an easy struggle? Certainly not. But it is a fight that we cannot avoid.”
“I love Bernie, but I’m not Bernie Sanders,” former Vice President Joseph Biden retorted to a Brookings Institution audience this past May. “I don’t think 500 billionaires are the reason we’re in trouble.”
Two different takes on grand fortune, one party. Which take will prevail? We’ll see soon enough.
Sam Pizzigati co-edits Inequality.org. His latest book, The Case for a Maximum Wage, has just been published. Among his other books on maldistributed income and wealth: The Rich Don’t Always Win: The Forgotten Triumph over Plutocracy that Created the American Middle Class, 1900-1970. Follow him at @Too_Much_Online.

The Graveyard of Progressive Social Movements– The Black Hole of the Democratic Party

This is a very long article but well worth reading for a background to radical working class movements in the United States.

The graveyard of progressive social movements: The black hole of the Democratic Party, August H. NimtzPlatypus affiliated Society



By Their Friends Shall Ye Know them – Netanyahu and Brazil's Bolsonaro Embrace

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The ‘only democracy in the Middle East’ finds Fascist Brazil congenial company 


It has become a familiar routine.  No sooner than is some far-Right madman elected to office in some far-away country than Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu is creating a cloud of dust in his haste to embrace his latest fascist friend.  Why? Because Israel itself is a country whose Jewish population is on the far-Right. Netanyahu receives virtually no domestic criticism of his alliances and is tipped to win the forthcoming General Election easily.
Demonstrators hold posters comparing Brazilian right-wing presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro to Adolf Hitler. Sao Paulo, Brazil, on October 20,
After Viktor Orban of Hungary, Mateusz, Morawiecki of Poland, Matteo Salvini of Italy and Heinz-Christian Strache of France it was predictable that the newly elected ruler of Brazil, Yair Bolisonara was the object of Netanyahu’s love.  He even has the same first name as Netanyahu’s son. Below are two articles from Ha’aretz, including a satirical article by Daniel Gouri de Lima on the new Brazilian Hitler. 

‘We have no better friends in the world than the Evangelical community, and the Evangelical community has no better friend in the world than the State of Israel.’ Netanyahu 
Bolsonaro and Mike Pompeo - US Secretary of State


The strange thing is that Israeli hasbara (propaganda) portrays it as an oasis of tolerance for gays in the Middle East yet here is Netanyahu cuddling up to someone who said that if he saw 2 men kissing in the street he’d hit them?  Pinkwashing or what? Here is a short article from Canary on Brazil after just 1 week of Bolsonaro.

Hitler in Brasilia: The U.S. Evangelicals and Nazi Political Theory Behind Brazil's President-in-waiting

Mix up fascist geopolitics, Pat Robertson's LGBT hate, Bannon's nationalism and Putin's shills and you get Jair Bolsonaro, who's nostalgic for the U.S.-backed dictatorship that tortured and killed thousands of leftists - and he's about to come to power

Alexander Reid Ross, Oct 28, 2018 2:09 PM

We are the majority. We are the real Brazil. Together, we will build a new nation…These red [leftist] criminals will be banished from our homeland. Either they go overseas, or they go to jail. It will be a cleanup the likes of which has never been seen in Brazilian history. Jair Bolsonaro, 21 October 2018  

Unbelievable: A presidential candidate asks the people to conform to what he thinks or pay the price: Jail or exile. Reminiscent of other [past] times. Former Brazilian president Fernando Henrique Cardoso, 23 October 2018  

By the time it ended in 1985, Brazil’s military dictatorship was a last remnant of a once-rampant political ideology rife with fascist influences. The recent success of Brazil’s far-right presidential candidate, Jair Bolsonaro, predicted to win the second and final round on 28 October, indicates that South America's biggest country is on the cusp of joining a global backslide towards those ugly decades.   
It is also a sign of the return of a repressive and nationalistic understanding of the state and its foreign policies that came to a head in pre-war Nazi Germany, spread west to the United States, and was pushed by successive U.S. administrations as a strategic necessity for South America.
Netanyahu with his anti-semitic friend Viktor Orban of Hungary
First gaining prominence as a staunch defender of the legacy of Brazil’s military dictatorship, which gained power in a 1964 coup, Bolsonaro’s anti-LGBQT, racist, and misogynistic platform is part of his general disdain for democracy. He has advocated sterilization for the poor to stave off "chaos."
Less than 15 years after the end of the U.S.-supported dictatorship that tortured and killed thousands of leftists, the then-Congressman declared in a public interview that, if ever elected president, he would "begin the coup" on his first day in office.
In 2015, Bolsonaro ran afoul of more controversy after posing for a photo with a Nazi sympathizer dressed as Hitler who had been invited to speak at a Rio de Janeiro City Council session by his son, Carlos.  
When another of Bolsonaro's  sons, Eduardo, tweeted out a photo of himself posing with the ubiquitous Steve Bannon this August, declaring that the two share the same "worldview," people started asking questions about how far the interconnected revivals of the international far right would go.  
Bannon, Bolsonaro’s son said, is "an enthusiast of Bolsonaro's campaign and we are certainly in touch to join forces, especially against cultural marxism." Strangely, weakly, Bolsonaro Sr later denied Bannon’s connection to the campaign.
But Bolsonaro’s implacable opposition to the political left is not the only critical fuel for his worldview. One other key strand, for which Bannon is a key evangelizer, is the role of geopolitics and its use by far-right movements throughout the twentieth century.
While most people do not give a second thought to the term "geopolitics," perhaps no idea has greater explanatory value, nor had a greater historical impact, on the region’s political climate. To fully grasp how the culture wars are playing out today in Brazil, it helps to gain perspective on geopolitics itself.
The term "geopolitics" was coined by the Swedish geographer Rudolf Kjellén in 1899. It was intended to reflect the understanding of political geography developed by his German peer, Friedrich Ratzel, who embraced the conservative nationalism of his day. A veteran of the Franco-Prussian War, Ratzel understood the state as an organic collective of national culture and civilization, spreading naturally - as an empire and as an expression of inner greatness - into larger territories, usually on their border regions and beyond.  
Ratzel’s understanding of those "Grosßraum" (large spaces) influenced Karl Haushofer, a friend's son, who joined the military and took an observational post in Japan. After serving as an officer during WWI, Haushofer came to identify with the populist far right, took Nazi Rudolf Hess under his wing, and tutored Hess and Adolf Hitler, himself, in geopolitics during the time they were incarcerated at Landsberg after the failed 1923 Beerhall Putsch.
Supporters of Jair Bolsonaro celebrate after polls closed during the first round of presidential elections in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on Oct. 7, 2018. Dado Galdieri/Bloomberg
Haushofer introduced Hitler to Ratzel’s books, and to geopolitics in general, influencing the Nazis’ turn toward the desire to conquer "Lebensraum" ("Living space") in the East. He further helped develop the Nazis’ pact with Japan and smooth over the Munich Agreement that facilitated Germany’s expansion into the Sudetenland. He was delighted when the Nazis ironed out the infamous non-belligerence pact with Russia, producing the Eurasian space that he believed could defeat North Atlantic hegemony.  
Intoxicated by his own success, Haushofer flamboyantly signed his name, "L’inventeur du ‘Lebensraum’!" anointing Hitler and Hess the heirs of Valhalla, and calling for the resettling of Baltic Germans. Yet his plans fell apart when Hitler invaded the Soviet Union. At the end of the war, his legacy in ruins, Haushofer and his wife committed suicide together.
Opposed as a pseudoscience by prominent geographers in academia like Richard Hartshorne and Isaiah Bowman, geopolitics was all but abandoned after the war - but it did not die out completely.  
While escaped Nazi war criminals found shelter in Brazil, Bolivia, and Argentina, the South American military establishment openly embraced the ideas of Ratzel and Haushofer and relied on them for some of their most oppressive policies.
Golbery de Couto e Silva, the strategist behind the 1964 military coup in Brazil, outlined the ideas put into effect through the feared National Security Doctrine in his 1966 book, "Geopolítica do Brasil." Then-Professor of Geopolitics at the Chilean War Academy, Augusto Pinochet, studied Golbery’s text closely and applied its teachings to his own government after leading the U.S.-supported Chilean coup of 1973.  
Supporters of Brazilian right-wing presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro take part in a rally along Paulista Avenue in Sao Paulo Brazil on October 21 2018AFP
Geopolitics had gained some currency in the U.S. during the 1960s through the Cold War strategizing of Saul Cohen, but it was Henry Kissinger who brought the term back into vogue with his 1979 tome, "The White House Years."
It should come as no surprise, then, that the same U.S. state department wonks who adamantly supported the Latin American dictatorships, as part of a continent-wide strategy of anti-leftist counter-insurgency known as Operation Condor, would help bring about the return of geopolitics.
The next year, the leading U.S. scholar on Latin American geopolitics, Lewis Tambs, helped draft the Santa Fe Document, a 1980s Latin America strategy for the Reagan administration that explicitly advocated geopolitical positions.
The "War on Drugs" and involvement in bloody civil wars - from Guatemala to El Salvador to Nicaragua - would follow, with the full support of Evangelicals like Pat Robertson, whose American Center for Law and Justice helped spread the far-right gospel in Brazil after the dictatorship.  
Later, Tambs would pen the forward for one of the only Haushofer texts translated into English - a 1939 edition of a book on the Asia-Pacific region that extolls the Nazi Party.
Banners reading "Not him" and "No to Fascism" at a protest against the Brazilian presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro outside the Brazilian embassy in Buenos Aires, Argentina, October 20, 2018\ AGUSTIN MARCARIAN/ REUTERS
Soon, the International Institute of Geopolitics would open in France, boasting an English-language journal supported by the likes of Zbigniew Brzezinski, William F. Buckley, Jr, and Samuel Huntington. Geopolitics was back, and while its advocates converged around debates between "Realists" and "Idealists," amid the growth of the neoconservative movement, the advocacy of geopolitical thought provided valuable oxygen for the rehabilitation of Haushofer and Ratzel by more radical forces.
The return of geopolitics in the 1980's and ’90s accompanying the dissolution of the Soviet Union, became part of the triumphal narrative of North Atlantic supremacy, but its advocates rarely examined its roots in radical conservatism.  
While the renascent geopolitics accommodated geo-strategy and more liberal understandings of international relations, those who proclaimed geopolitics in its original form largely came from the so-called Nouvelle Droite, a network of far-right ideologues committed to reproducing the conditions for the re-emergence of fascism in Europe.
It was in these circles that the Russian fascist, Alexander Dugin, learned about geopolitics while residing in Western Europe, injecting its fundamental precepts into Russia’s chaotic political environment through his 1997 text, "Foundations of Geopolitics." In his strange book that advances occult myths of an Aryan super-race, Dugin concluded that geopolitics tended toward his own brand of fascism.
Happy to turn a blind eye to its fascist core, Dugin’s ideology was spread with the aid of his numerous connections, from the General Staff of the Russian Armed Services to "Orthodox oligarch" Konstantin Malofeev, one of the major backers of the international far-right Christian network, the World Congress of Families.
A supporter of presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro, of the right-wing Social Liberal Party, carries a rosary during a campaign rally in Brasilia, Brazil, Sunday, Oct. 21, 2018Eraldo Peres,AP
While Steve Bannon’s notorious 2014 speech to far-right zealots held in the Vatican associated with the World Congress of Families did not name Dugin, it outlined his fascist worldview - a fixation on geopolitics that Bannon claims to have studied "intensively." Last year, a magazine supported by the Vatican presciently accused Bannon of "apocalyptic geopolitics."  
Brazil's Bolsonaro, who is Catholic but attends Baptist services, has made a populist effort to span denominations, and receives broad support from Brazil’s growing, urban evangelical movement, including boosters associated with the World Congress of Families.  
Bolsonaro was baptized in the Jordan River into the Assemblies of God, which has been pouring money into far-right politics in Brazil and around the world. The Assemblies of God are deep drivers of the U.S. Evangelical movement, including some of the most important partners of the World Congress of Families.
Bolsonaro’s richest Evangelical supporters, like the Assembly of God’s head and Pentecostal televangelist Silas Malafaia, have partnered up with WCF allies at the Pat Robertson-founded American Center for Law and Justice, and at the Brazilian Center for Law and Justice, which promotes – as does WCF - a transnational movement against LGBT rights.
Adjusting traditional far-right politics to the characteristics of Brazil’s middle-class, Bolsonaro has become a fighter in the global culture wars, seeking to deliver on a patriarchal mandate that has gained the support of conservative U.S. publications like the Wall Street Journal (for being a "Brazilian Swamp Drainer"), in a country that has, ironically, for the last 15 years, has helped anchor a region-wide leftist movement with its own strong ties to Russia.  
Bolsonaro’s candidacy and likely ascendance to the presidency is a sign of a growing geopolitical union of far-right forces forming the backlash against liberalism and the left, and the rehabilitation and glamorizing of military power and authoritarianism. It's a symptom of a greater crisis of democracy that is both producing - and the product of - a system-wide transformation of international relations.
Alexander Reid Ross is a Lecturer in Geography at Portland State University. He is the author of Against the Fascist Creep (AK Press, 2017). Twitter: @areidross
A supporter of Jair Bolsonaro wears a mask of U.S. President Donald Trump in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. July 22, 2018.\ Ricardo Moraes/ REUTERS
After Trump, Duterte, Orban and Salvini, Israel's PM packs his hug-a-fascist club with Bolsonaro. And Israel can offer plenty of experience on how to tame Brazil's streets, from border riots to full-blown intifada
Dec 31, 2018 3:31 AM







Leo CORREA / POOL / AFP
It has by now become somewhat of a Hollywood legend that prior to his successful election as President of Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro auditioned for the role of Lord Voldemort in the pubescent Harry Potter film series. As the story goes, relayed to me by a reliable source I invented, the former army captain and fascism fanboy was turned down for the part after producers found him to be "disturbingly suitable."
Alas, instead of going for the miraculous snake man, they opted for Ralph Fiennes in a bald cap, doing an impression of a belligerent jazz orchestra conductor. But as my Safta once told me: "The shattered dreams of yesterday bear the jagged fruits that tear your mouth to shreds tomorrow." Then she asked me if I wanted a bite from her apple. I declined.
Until very recently, Jair Bolsonaro was a big player in domestic Brazilian politics. For years he’d been projectile-vomiting baleful rhetoric at minorities like a soused uncle at the dinner table, sparking little outrage. Wiser Brazilians considered him a buffoon, not unlike the manner in which Israelis perceive Likud MK and fuzzy man-hog Oren Hazan.
It took for Bolsonaro to become a potential head-of-state for the citizens of Brazil to raise their heads and say, "I like him, he should run a country." It’s a tale as old as Jesus.
There were those who did not rejoice. They saw Bolsonaro for what he truly was: A sentient pimple, angry and white, prepared to erupt at a moment’s notice. All he needed was the right brand of pressure, the kind a nation-spanning corruption scandal and years of abject poverty provide.
Bolsonaro may lack the charisma and poetic precision of Rodrigo Duterte, the supple fascism of Viktor Orban, or the inescapable feeling you get that Matteo Salvini is, in fact, Count Dracula, but he makes up for it with the sheer, unabashed passion for making people shit their pants. A true fearmongerer extraordinaire. It allowed him to gracefully join the chorus of populist strongmen fitfully sprouting around the potato of the world.
As vultures of a feather flock together, Bolsonaro’s been joined this week by none other than Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s Minister of Everything But The Kitchen Sink, who’s making an unprecedented five-day visit in honor of Jair’s inauguration.
Bolsonaro will surely be looking forward to a close hug with Bibi’s son, Yair, with whom he shares a name and a gaping hole where a soul should be. One can only hope that the universe does not implode as a result of the embrace.
The visit obviously erects evangelical nipples worldwide - and gives the Left something to rattle the newspaper about - but does it actually mean anything? Does it hold diplomatic merit?
Promises were made that by simply being in Brazil, Netanyahu would be driving a scimitar through the old alliances the South American giant holds with the Arab world - perhaps even its former chumminess with Iran. 
A local Jewish Brazilian and fan of the Bruiser from Balfour even told me he believes Netanyahu can intercept Iranian missiles using the wisps of his silvery combover. "Iran is like Goliath, and Bibi is like David being investigated for bribery and fraud. I love him." Among the Zionists of the tropic, he is a hero, greater even than their newly elected Voldemort.
Bolsnoaro's sons wearing t-shirts bearing the logos of the Mossad and IDF
Deeply entrenched in opposition to the Bibolsonaro union are Brazil’s embattled progressive Jews - Conservatives, Reform, revisionists, seculars and even Orthodox - comprising an unknown percentage of the country’s 120,000-strong community. They believe the dynamic duo pose a risk not only to democracy, but also life on earth as we know it. 
"Bolsonaro is definitely not a human being. He’s either from a lizard planet or a circle of hell. Bibi is human, but very sneaky and shaped like an onion," I was told by Paula, a woman whose family reads the Passover Haggadah up until the food part.
Netanyahu and Bolsonaro in Brazil. Credit Leo Correa/אי־פי

"The way they paint their political rivals is similar, but Bolsonaro is more scary, because he’s a moron. He’s less afraid to say things like 'The Left is communist and gay, it will sodomize everyone with women’s rights,' and people listen because they are afraid of crime and sick of corruption."
Paula thinks Bibi is more savvy, "because he says the Left is terrorist and people believe him because Israel has terrorists. It’s less of a leap. It’s not that Brazilians are dumb, they were just sodomized by politicians one too many times, so they’ll take anything that’s different. It’s very sad."
But how powerful truly is the marriage of Brasilia and Jerusalem? It surely won’t expedite the Brazilian Embassy’s move to Jerusalem, a move Netanyahu believes will make the world suddenly wonder, "What is a Palestinian, really?"
Brazil’s economic woes are plenty, and the country sells far too much halal meat to Arab countries to risk kicking that Kraken in the gonads.
A supporter of presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro poses for a photo with a mock rifle as she celebrates the election runoff results in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Oct. 28, 2018 Silvia Izquierdo, AP
Perhaps a strong defense contract, then? Some advice on handling domestic dissidents? A little light clean-up of leftists? Some Israeli assistance in taming Brazil’s ungovernable streets? Jerusalem can offer plenty of experience, from small border riots to full-blown intifada.

One must remember that Gaza and the Brazilian favelas are similar: Both are under the ruthless dominion of power-hungry sociopaths. They differ in that Hamas are Islamists, and the lords of the favela are drug barons. The other thing they have, which Hamas does not, is tanks, also known as cars-with-cannons and a major game-changer.
Since Bolsonaro can’t carpet-bomb Rio, perhaps Netanyahu could teach him to how to funnel Qatari funds through Venezuela as a way to make nice? It is my understanding that drug dealers, not unlike terror organizations, enjoy money. Plus, you don’t want to solve the problems that get you elected, unless, of course, you plan on creating new ones.


Brazil Is About To Show The World How A Modern Democracy Collapses




Far-right president Jair Bolsonaro is a threat to Brazilian democracy — and a model for authoritarianism that leaders around the world will follow.


Huffington Post
Bolsonaro supporters rally and pray in Brasília ahead of a New Year’s Day inauguration ceremony that will make him Brazil’s 38th president. , AP


RIO DE JANEIRO — The tanks began to roll into Rio de Janeiro on the morning of April 1, 1964, some of them from the neighboring state of Minas Gerais, others from São Paulo. The Brazilian capital had moved to Brasília, the new planned city in the country’s interior, a few years prior, but Rio remained the effective center of power, and somewhere in the city, President João Goulart was clinging to power.
Goulart, a leftist who became president in 1961, had spent the days prior on the phone with a top military officer, Gen. Amaury Kruel. The general was hoping to prevent the collapse of Brazil’s government by urging Jango, as Goulart was known to Brazilians, to fire prominent leftist officials and institute a slate of reforms that would please both the military and the centrist establishment in Congress that opposed Goulart’s shifts to the left.
Goulart refused. The military marched.
By the next morning, Goulart had fled to Porto Alegre. A few days later, he was in Uruguay. Brazil’s democracy had collapsed.
Five decades later, on the evening of Oct. 28, 2018, members of the Brazilian military were parading through the streets of Rio again. Green Army jeeps honked their horns and flashed their lights; soldiers standing atop them waved Brazilian flags as adoring crowds cheered their arrival.
This time, though, the military was not coming to depose a president, but to celebrate him. Jair Bolsonaro, a federal congressman and former Army captain, had just won the election to become Brazil’s 38th president.
“What a nightmare,” Argentine journalist Diego Iglesias tweeted in Spanish of the scene.
Bolsonaro, whose presidency will begin with a New Year’s Day inaugural ceremony in Brasília, has routinely praised Brazil’s military dictatorship, which gave way to the return of democratic governance in 1985. And his rise to power shares many similarities with the military regime’s: Bolsonaro has seized on widespread discontent and fatigue with an incapable and corrupt political establishment, on fervid opposition to a leftist party that had spent more than a decade in power, on an economic collapse that Brazil has only slowly begun to escape, and on rising levels of violent crime.
And while he has pitched his surge to power as the result of a “populist” revolt, his base of support mirrors that of the old coup masters: wealthy financial elites, segments of the population willing to trade the rights and lives of the poor and marginalized for their own safety and economic prosperity, and traditional parties and politicians who refuse to acknowledge their own roles in creating the monster before folding themselves into his arms.
Much like the military once did, Bolsonaro has threatened his leftist political opponents with violence and imprisonment. He has promised to deliver a political “cleansing never seen before in Brazil,” and threatened media outlets that report news unfavorable to him. His vice president is a former Army general who, in an interview with HuffPost Brazil, refused to rule out a return to military rule, and who has posited — over Bolsonaro’s unconvincing objections — that the new administration could rewrite the country’s constitution.
This is not exclusively a Brazilian phenomenon. Countries around the world, from Hungary to Turkey to the Philippines, have turned to noisy leaders who promise instant renewals and silver-bullet solutions under the banner of a right-wing, nativist “populism” ― the preferred term of news outlets, even though the key constituencies backing these candidates tend to comprise the nations’ elite.
Each major election has become, in part, a referendum on the state of global democracy as a whole. And each victory for a right-wing, anti-democratic figure has paved the way for a similar candidate in the next major election somewhere else.
Of the bunch, though, Bolsonaro might be the most pressing threat to a major democracy. Brazil’s is the fourth-largest in the world, and the largest by population in Latin America. If it dies, this time, it won’t be at the hands of the armed forces. It will be self-inflicted.
“There have been very, very few military coups in Latin America over the last 35 years,” said Steven Levitsky, a Harvard University political scientist and author of How Democracies Die. “So I think that while increased public support for a military coup is troubling, it’s much more likely Brazilian democracy will die at the hands of an elected leader.”
Brazil is about to show the world how a modern democracy falls apart.

Democracy Hasn’t Delivered

It was still too early for an afternoon beer when I passed the first vendor doling out ice-cold cervejas along São Paulo’s Avenida Paulista on a Brazilian summer day in late November.
Paulista, which splits one of the city’s wealthiest neighborhoods, was closed thanks to a mid-week holiday, storefronts advertised Black Friday sales, and a giant Christmas tree outside one of the shopping malls gave away the approaching holiday season. Locals and tourists alike perused pop-up tents selling handcrafted wooden bowls and art, and loudspeakers blared a pop soundtrack for the people who’d come to do yoga in the street.
Aside from the occasional bit of political graffiti sprayed onto a lamp post or the sidewalk, there were barely any signs that throughout 2018, Brazilians had repeatedly swarmed Avenida Paulista to demonstrate in favor of and against Bolsonaro.
It was here, in July, that people in São Paulo joined the largest women-led protest in Brazilian history, as women and LGBTQ people who feared Bolsonaro’s history of racist, sexist and homophobic statements urged Brazilians to vote for anyone else. “Ele Nāo,” they yelled ― “Not Him.”
It was also here that Bolsonaro’s supporters gathered in mid-October for a rally meant to push him over the majority threshold he had fallen just short of in the first round of voting. At that demonstration, Bolsonaro, who had been stabbed on the campaign trail in September, told the crowd via a cell phone that, as president, he would target funding for the media and human rights groups. He vowed to give his opponent ― former São Paulo Mayor Fernando Haddad, of the leftist Workers’ Party ― and prominent leftist activists two options: “Leave, or go to jail.”
But by the end of November? “Everything feels normal,” a friend told me, “until you watch the news.”
Like Trump, Bolsonaro is a creature of the rot in his country’s democratic institutions that had set in years before he’d entered the picture, or that had been there all along.
Power in Brazil has always remained concentrated largely among a white and wealthy elite; literacy and education rates are still low, especially among the poor; an over-militarized and under-trained police force has continued to kill large numbers of poor (and mostly black) citizens; and the return to democracy was marked by more than a decade of economic instability and hyperinflation that perpetuated vast social, racial and income inequality. 
Still, Brazil has spent much of the last several decades fashioning itself into a shining example of what a democratic Latin America could one day look like. Former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso stabilized the economy in the early 2000s, then leftist President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a working-class firebrand, presided over a period of rapid growth that had Brazil’s economy on pace to surpass those of France and the United Kingdom.
On da Silva’s watch, expanded social welfare programs helped some 30 million Brazilians rise out of poverty, and broader affirmative action policies increased educational, health and employment access for black Brazilians, women, the poor and the indigenous. Violent crime fell to its lowest levels in decades. When da Silva left office in 2010, his approval ratings neared 90 percent. Brazil, it seemed, was finally working.
Or was it? In 2010, Tiririca, a Brazilian clown, announced a run for a congressional seat in São Paulo and launched a campaign meant to parody the Brazilian political system. “Pior do que está não fica, vote no Tiririca,” he said: “It can’t get any worse, vote Tiririca.” He playfully satirized the corruption endemic in Brazilian politics, promising that he would “enrich every Brazilian family ― especially mine.”
Then he won, and that victory, in retrospect, might have been a sign of a lurking discontent that Bolsonaro would soon exploit.
Brazil was already one of the world’s most unequal countries in terms of income distribution, and while the poor unquestionably benefited from the Workers’ Party’s policies ― including a hike in the minimum wage ― the vast majority of the economic gains achieved under da Silva went to the richest 1 percent of Brazil’s population. So even as a new lower-middle class earned more than it ever had, Brazil’s obscene levels of income inequality likely expanded during the good years. Violent crime had been reduced, but not to levels befitting a developed democracy: Even before the economic collapse, Brazil was home to more than a dozen of the planet’s 50 most violent cities. 
Things got worse: The economy collapsed in 2013, plunging millions out of work and millions more back into poverty. In 2014, a money-laundering investigation turned into the world’s broadest political corruption investigation. Known as Operation Car Wash, or “Lava Jato” in Portuguese, it has implicated hundreds of Brazilian politicians, including da Silva and outgoing President Michel Temer, of the centrist Democratic Movement Party. Violent crime has surged ― there were more than 60,000 homicides in each of the last two years. President Dilma Rousseff, da Silva’s hand-picked successor, was impeached in 2016. Da Silva was convicted on money-laundering charges in 2017 and imprisoned this year; Temer has only narrowly escaped trial on bribery charges.
Compared with their counterparts across Latin America, Brazilians have always shown a low level of support for democracy. That support has eroded even further amid the crises: In 2017, just 32 percent of Brazilians agreed when Latinobarómetro, which conducts polls across the region, asked if they agreed that “democracy may have problems but is the best system of government.” No other Latin American nation showed less support for democracy, while other surveys found that nearly two-thirds of Brazilians had lost faith in political parties, the presidency and Congress. More than half of Brazilians said they would support a more authoritarian style of government if it “solved problems.”
“If you ask people on the street if they’re worried about what Bolsonaro may mean for democracy, it’s not like people are particularly concerned,” said Oliver Stuenkel, a political scientist at the Getúlio Vargas Foundation in São Paulo.
“Democracy,” he said, “hasn’t delivered what many of us have expected.”
The PT, as the Workers’ Party is known by its initials in Portuguese, has received much of the blame for the backlash that fueled Bolsonaro’s rise. A great deal of this criticism is legitimate: Da Silva and the Workers’ Party had risen to power on something resembling revolutionary hope ― a belief “that it could use the established order in Brazil to benefit the poor, without harm – indeed with help – to the rich,” as the British essayist Perry Anderson wrote in 2016.
By the time Rousseff was impeached in 2016, to the delight of millions of mostly middle-class and wealthy Brazilians who had marched in the streets demanding her ouster, the party had embraced a brand of economic austerity and engaged in the sort of corruption that alienated many of its own working-class supporters.
In addition to its usual base of elites, the counter-revolution in Brazil could now count on winning at least some support from the PT’s natural constituency. Bolsonaro drew support from across the political and social spectrum, even from poor and black voters whom some of his most repressive policy goals will surely target. Polls ahead of the election showed that Bolsonaro led Haddad among black and mixed-race voters and women ― and that he also earned a surprisingly large share of the vote from LGBTQ Brazilians ― despite his racism, sexism and homophobia.
“Even if he were a racist, I would still vote for him,” Marcelo Amador Pereira, a black man who lives in São Paulo and lost his job during the Rousseff administration, told HuffPost Brazil before the election. “Because he is running against the PT, and I will not accept any part in what the PT did to Brazil.”

Elite Failure ― And Acquiescence 

The problem with pitching Bolsonaro’s rise to power as a purely populist revolt, though, is that the main source of his support was not the poor and working classes that had once fervently backed the Workers’ Party, but the same elites Bolsonaro constantly railed against, who have taken almost no responsibility for their role in creating the circumstances that made his ascent possible.
Healthy democracy relies on mutual support for a basic set of rules, but in the aftermath of the 2014 presidential election, Brazil’s center-right establishment began to disregard the old consensus. The center-right Social Democratic Party, or PSDB, questioned the results of Rousseff’s narrow re-election that fall, giving oxygen to fringe social media conspiracy theories that the Workers’ Party president had benefited from election fraud. 
Two years later, the centrist parties launched an effort to impeach her that looked less like an effort to hold Rousseff accountable than a chance for Brazil’s establishment to seize via goo-goo crusade the sort of power it couldn’t win at the ballot box — and protect itself from judicial and public scrutiny in the process. For others on the right, including Bolsonaro, it was merely an opportunity to rid Brazil of a leftist government that they claimed had waged a war on “God, family and the Brazilian people.” 
Operation Car Wash, meanwhile, has long been viewed as a positive development for Brazilian democracy, an effort to rid the country’s political system of the corruption that runs rampant through it. But it’s undeniable now, even for the investigation’s proponents, that it played a role in undermining democracy instead of bolstering it.
“One of the undesired results of the Lava Jato case ― this confrontation of corruption ― is a very extreme polarization of the public debate in Brazil,” said Bruno Brandão, the Brazil director of Transparency International. “It also discredited the political system and the political class. And more worrisome, it discredited the democratic system itself.”
The polarization isn’t entirely the result of the corruption investigation ― on the left and the right, the parties of implicated politicians have spent years trying to discredit Car Wash. Temer repeatedly attempted to curtail it; Congress tried to kill new anti-corruption legislation in the middle of the night; da Silva and the PT decried it as an elite effort to destroy the left, which wasn’t entirely true, given that a rash of politicians from other parties were removed from office and sent to prison, too. 
But the investigators themselves helped undermine the credibility of their cause and, by extension, democracy. Judge Sergio Moro, who spearheaded the Car Wash investigation, was responsible for the conviction of da Silva, who had led presidential polls before he was banned from the race thanks to the corruption case.
Moro spent years positioning himself as apolitical, but his pursuit of da Silva took on an air of zealotry. The conviction was criticized as sloppy and legally questionable by independent Brazilian legal experts, and the timing of certain revelations from Moro — wiretapped phone calls between Rousseff and da Silva, released in 2016 in the midst of her impeachment; testimony accusing da Silva, Haddad and the PT of graft, unsealed the eve of the election — suggested the judge was putting a finger on the scales of the cases and, perhaps, the election. (In November, Moro agreed to serve as the head of the National Justice Ministry under Bolsonaro.)
Brazil’s elites and its media, meanwhile, underestimated the strength of the anti-establishment surge taking place under their feet, or the dynamics allowing it to fester. Over and over again throughout the last two years, Brazilian political observers and journalists assured me not just that Bolsonaro wouldn’t win, but that he couldn’t. When they didn’t ignore him outright, they treated him as a sideshow; surely his worst, most provocative statements would be enough to convince Brazilians he was too radical a reactionary.
Beneath the surface, Bolsonaro and his supporters took advantage of social media, amplifying his message across Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp ― Brazil’s most popular social network ― exploiting both the existing distrust of Brazil’s largest media outlets and the utility of those social networks for spreading news that was baseless and manufactured out of thin air.
Members of the media and political elite were sure that, with da Silva and the PT seemingly discredited, a moderate, establishment figure from the center-left or center-right would emerge. But Brazilians made their fatigue with the centrist establishment clear: Whereas the Workers’ Party still won more seats than any other party in congressional elections, the center-right was crushed in the first round of voting. Cynicism, corruption and the pursuit of unpopular economic policies under Temer had left a vacuum on the right, and along came Bolsonaro to fill the void.
Bolsonaro wielded corruption as a cudgel against the PT from the start, turning its links to Car Wash into an all-out attack on its legitimacy and right to exist. The left, Bolsonaro suggested on his website, wanted to “import ideologies that destroy our identity” as Brazilians. That appealed to growing evangelical and conservative movements, as well as segments of the middle classes that opposed the left’s social liberalism, and played on a backlash against efforts to advance the civil rights of the poor, LGBTQ people and black Brazilians. 
That Bolsonaro had adopted an anti-corruption posture merely as a campaign tactic ― much like Trump’s promise to “Drain the Swamp” ― was evident even before he took office. Bolsonaro’s son, Flávio, is already facing questions about potential corruption, and despite pledging that his government ministries would not include anyone convicted of corruption, Bolsonaro has appointed at least seven people who have been or currently are involved in such scandals, according to The Intercept. They include his chief of staff and his finance minister, Paulo Guedes ― the University of Chicago–educated economist and free marketeer whose close ties to Bolsonaro during the campaign gave Brazil’s business elite the assurances they needed to cozy up to the supposed “populist.”
As with Trump, Bolsonaro’s attack on corruption went beyond hypocrisy. It was a Herrenvolk appeal — spoils for the dominant class, banishment or marginalization for everyone else — and the tubthumping about corruption fit into larger themes about the contamination of Brazilian identity by the country’s underclasses. 
For the whole of history, as Hannah Arendt wrote, totalitarians have depended on a coalition between the elite and the mob. In Brazil, as elsewhere, the rise of a new authoritarian required the acquiescence of a patrician class unwilling to accept any of the blame for the systemic ills the country was facing. And while so much media attention was lavished on the ordinary folks who supported Bolsonaro, it was more significant that his levels of support rose with each step up the income ladder, thanks to elites who shared his disdain for the left and were happy to empower a fascist to thwart it.
The worst ills Bolsonaro would inflict would be reserved for the most vulnerable of Brazil’s populations, anyway. The elites, as always, are exempt from the pain they cause.
If this all seems to bear a striking resemblance to what happened in the United States, that’s no coincidence. Bolsonaro has modeled his ascent to power on the rise of Trump, whose own victory was built on years of democratic erosion.
Trump, too, was merely a symptom of a larger disease, a product of declining faith among Americans in their democratic institutions. And Bolsonaro adopted many of Trump’s strategies: He, too, encouraged violence against critics, appealed to nativist and racist fears, and suggested that if he lost, it would be the result of political rivals’ shenanigans. He also called for imprisoning not just his opponent, but activists who worked on the left. He targeted civil society, suggesting that nongovernmental organizations and human rights groups would be shut down. He promised to give law enforcement even more leeway to kill on sight and decried the media as agents of fake news who were simply protecting the corrupt establishment.
Bolsonaro’s campaign, like Trump’s, also made a habit of tossing out increasingly absurd and anti-democratic ideas, often filtered through his son Flávio, a congressman who served as Bolsonaro’s de facto social media guru. Flávio and vice presidential candidate Gen. Antonio Hamilton Mourão would suggest increasingly radical ideas ― like, say, closing Congress if necessary ― only for the elder Bolsonaro to gently walk them back if a reporter asked about them or if they generated too much scrutiny.
This strategy, deliberately or not, has the effect of making Bolsonaro look more moderate than he is while shifting the very grounds on which he is being evaluated. Now, a Bolsonaro who does everything short of closing Congress, rewriting the constitution or re-establishing military rule starts to resemble a committed democrat.
A key difference between Bolsonaro and Trump, though, is that the worst version of the former will have much more damaging effects on Brazilian democracy than the latter has had, or could have, in the United States.
“Bolsonaro can do things in Brazil, potentially, that Trump can’t do,” Levitsky said, “because Brazilian institutions ... are nowhere near as strong as they are in the United States.”
Bolsonaro’s ministerial appointments include more former military officers to serve at once in a civilian government than in any since the end of the dictatorship. He has appointed ministers who wield the same paranoid, anti-“globalist” rhetoric that became commonplace in the early days of the Trump administration.
Bolsonaro and his choice to head the education ministry, Ricardo Vélez Rodríguez, are supporters of the Escolas sem Partido (Schools Without Party) movement, a previously fringe effort to prevent public schools and universities from “indoctrinating” students with leftist political ideologies. There were reports in the days after the election that some universities had been raided to rid them of books on fascism, and that professors and other academics who opposed the new president and had described him as a fascist were targeted and harassed.
Bolsonaro, too, has sent early signals that he will follow through on his threats to seize indigenous lands to open them to mining and agricultural interests; he has said Brazil should “integrate” its indigenous tribes ― which include those living on protected reservations, as well as uncontacted peoples ― into Brazilian society against their wishes. 
It is possible Bolsonaro will govern as a true autocrat ― that he could take advantage of any small crisis to consolidate power and sweep aside democracy in a single act. He could close Congress; he could criminalize the Workers’ Party and other leftist opposition parties and movements; he could criminalize dissent, protest and the free press.
More likely is that he will govern in a manner similar to Trump, targeting the press, political opponents and democratic institutions with a constant barrage of criticism that further erodes their credibility among his supporters and the public writ large, and has a chilling effect on legitimate opposition. Bolsonaro refers to nearly everything to his political left as “communism,” and has said his movement is meant to keep “foreign ideologies” from making their way to Brazil. Rather than outright dictatorship, Bolsonaro’s reign could come to resemble the ugliest anti-left purge in American history.
“It sounds like McCarthyism,” Alexandre Padilha, a high-ranking member of the Workers’ Party who served in da Silva’s government, told me. “He hates everything that is left in Brazil, and thinks they should be eliminated, basically.”
To the right, these fears and the rhetoric that has inspired them are a source of humor. The day before the inauguration, Carlos Bolsonaro ― a Rio councilman and another of the new president’s sons ― posted a video on Twitter of his father celebrating police killings and calling his opponents “pussies.”
“The left is crying,” he said, mockingly.
In the U.S., Trump’s continued attacks have had negative effects on how Americans view their elections, the press and other democratic institutions, and his rhetoric has emboldened racists and white nationalists and potentially contributed to rises in violent crime against racial, ethnic and religious minorities. 
Political violence is already shockingly common in Brazil: In 2018, Rio de Janeiro city councilwoman Marielle Franco was assassinated while leaving an event, and 28 candidates were killed during 2016 election cycle alone. Bolsonaro’s insistence that his supporters take aim at Workers’ Party politicians could have deadly consequences.
His people have taken their cues: In the days before the election, Bolsonaro supporters proudly destroyed memorials to Franco in Rio, and the symbols of American white nationalism ― including a flag of Kekistan, the mythical country created and worshipped by alt-right fanboys in online forums ― began to show up at Bolsonaro rallies. The night of the election, his supporters waved banners commemorating the former Army colonel who carried out the military dictatorship’s torture program.
LGBTQ Brazilians, who are already subject to high rates of violence, are also fearful that Bolsonaro’s aggressive opposition to their rights will give his supporters license to level even more attacks against them. And Bolsonaro’s rhetoric on policing and public security has only emboldened some of the hard-line officers within Brazil’s police forces, according to locals.
In São Paulo, a young black writer who lives in a favela on the city’s outskirts told me that he had been stopped by police five times in the first three weeks after the election, usually as he was returning to the neighborhood on the way home from work. In Rio, videos circulated last month of two men lying in the street, shot to death, before the police officers who killed them threw their bodies into the back of a pickup truck. Brazil’s police already killed more than 4,200 people last year ― in Rio, they were responsible for 1 in every 5 homicides across the state. Bolsonaro will likely make police forces even more deadly.
On this, he will have allies both in and out of politics. Brazilians overwhelmingly support aggressive stances on policing, and amid the violent crime epidemic, more politicians have adopted hard-line stances. Wilson Witzel, the incoming governor of Rio de Janeiro, has said the state will “dig graves” for the bodies of alleged criminals police kill. Newly elected São Paulo Gov. João Doria, a politician who aligned himself with Bolsonaro during the campaign, has adopted similar rhetoric when it comes to protecting police accused of killing.
Brazil’s institutions may shield its democracy as a whole. But even in the best-case scenario, Bolsonaro’s Brazil will almost certainly become even less democratic for the people who already suffer the vast majority of violence and oppression there, from the state and otherwise.

A Model For ‘Really Egregious Illiberalism’

“Where are you from?” a woman in São Paulo asked me as our hotel elevator hit the ground floor.
When I told her I lived in Washington, D.C., she smiled and turned to her child. In Portuguese, she told him that I was from the same place as Trump.
“Everyone here wants to go there,” she said. “They say all bad things about him, but everyone here wants to move there.”
To many Brazilians who support Bolsonaro, the chaos Trump has sown and the threats to the tenets of American democracy he poses are nothing to worry about. The U.S. economy, after all, is doing well, and Trump is, in their view, responsible. He’s an outsider who came in and shook up the system, and the establishment just hasn’t learned to cope with that yet.
Now, there are others looking to Bolsonaro. In Uruguay, an upstart presidential candidate is already modeling himself as his country’s version of Bolsonaro; in Argentina, which faces many of the same economic and corruption issues that have plagued Brazil, similar candidates could soon emerge.
“The political right has not done well in Latin America in the last few decades,” Levitsky, of Harvard, said. “So right-wing politicians are looking around for a new formula, and illiberalism ― really egregious illiberalism ― may be that formula. If he’s perceived to be successful, it will be reproduced.”
Bolsonaro wasn’t the first right-wing authoritarian to put a major democracy under threat. Neither will he be the last.
“We have Bolsonaro because we have Trump,” Stuenkel said. “We would not have seen the same dynamic here without what happened in the U.S. in 2016. I think that inspired a lot of people who basically learned from Trump.”
“And I think that same way,” he continued, “neighboring countries in Latin America will learn from Bolsonaro.”
HuffPost Brazil’s Diego Iraheta contributed reporting.
Travis Waldron is a reporter at The Huffington Post, based in Washington D.C. He covers the intersection of sports and politics, policy and cultural issues. Previously he covered politics, economics, and sports at ThinkProgress, and his work has appeared at The Atlantic, Columbia Journalism Review, and various newspapers. Travis can be reached at travis.waldron@huffingtonpost.com

Hoist By Their Own Petard - The Zionist Alliance for Workers Liberty

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The sad, sorry story of a ‘Trotskyist’ group that believes in a ‘socialist’ imperialism and supports Apartheid Israel  


Having spent much of my life on the far-left it is clear to me that the biggest enemy of the left isn’t the capitalist class or agents of the state, it is the left itself. I refer in particular to the scattered debris of left sects that see themselves as the embodiment of the future revolution.
Sean Matgamna - the AWL's guru
Possibly the worst example was the Workers Revolutionary Party led by Gerry Healey, whose Labour Party acolytes included former Lambeth leader, Ted Knight. It still manages to produce a daily newspaper, Newsline, that no one reads. For most of its existence it was led by Gerry Healey whose serial rape of young female members was revealed 30 years ago. When he was eventually brought to book Corin Redgrave defended him in the name of a higher morality. Citing his many ‘achievements’ Redgrave told fellow comrades that ‘If this is the work of a rapist, let’s recruit more rapists.”  [The break-up of the WRP – from the horse’s mouth,, Simon Pirani].
Alone on the Left the AWL support the reactionary IHRA that Theresa May and Eric Pickles and Viktor Orban support
The WRP itself was funded by a variety of reactionary and corrupt Arab regimes such as the Iraqi Baathists. Healey earned his money by for example spying on Iraqi communist exiles in London. No doubt his entrance ticket to these Arab potentates was provided by the film stars Corin and Vanessa Redgraves, who stood by him through thick and thin when the WRP expelled him. [For a background to the split see Bob Pitt the Rise and Fall of Gerry Healy, and  Biographical sketch].
The AWL campaign against 'left anti-semitism was taken up by the Right when attacking Corbyn and the Left
The Socialist Workers Party also came a cropper over the question of rape when a female member complained she’d been raped by former National Secretary, Martin Smith. Rather than suspending Smith and conducting a thorough and impartial investigation, or alternatively deciding it was a Police matter, the Disputes Committee consisting of Smith’s mates decided that it was the woman who at fault, questioning her about previous partners and her drinking habits.  Interestingly the defence of the SWP’s behaviour by Alex Callinicos included accusing his opponents of ‘bourgeois morality’– which was also Corin Redgrave’s defence of Gerry Healey. [For a background to the split see Bob Pitt the Rise and Fall of Gerry Healy, and  Biographical sketch].
The AWL prefer a fantasy version of Israel to the reality
As far as is known rape wasn’t a feature of the Revolutionary Communist Party’s lurch to the right. In many ways it was far worse. They became genocide deniers or what Ed Vulliamy called tinpot Holocaust deniers’. [Poison in the Well of History, Guardian, 15.3.2000, 
Its magazine, Living Marxism or LM alleged, in 1992, that an ITN report on the Serbian concentration camps of Trnopolje and Omarska in Bosnia was faked.
Mike Cushman of Free Speech on Israel's report of an AWL/Progress love-in
In ‘The Picture that Fooled the World’ it was alleged that the photograph of emaciated concentration camp inmate Fikret Alic was bogus and the barbed wire surrounding the camp was trick photography which actually was surrounding the reporters. One libel action later and LM was out of business. ITN in £375,000 libel victory, Guardian, 15.3.2000.
The AWL's solidarity is with the colonialists not the colonised
The RCP, which had been steadily jettisoning socialist politics for a long time, disappeared and Spiked was reborn as an Internet journal of the corporate, anti-environmental, racist Right. Their belief in free speech is limited to those who agree with them! [Spiked by Spiked, Socialist Unity, 13.3.09]
And of course the list of socialist renegades would not be complete without mention of Socialist Action whose John Ross masquerades these days as PR man for the Chinese regime in all its horrors. [No secrets to China's success, Guardian, 18.8.09.] 
The AWL is vehemently opposed to any solidarity with the Palestinians such as BDS
But pride of place is reserved for a small group inside the Labour Party, the Alliance for Workers Liberty. I’m sure no one has been raped or otherwise abused, but the organisation’s claim to be on the left would be the subject of a trading standards investigation if they were trying to sell you anything other than their shop worn paper.
This is an organisation which believes that socialism in Britain will be achieved by supporting imperialism policy abroad. In Afghanistan they supported the Mujahideen against the Soviet backed regime. 
Today they are decidedly opposed to Islamic fundamentalism. In Ireland they supported a variant of Partition and were hostile to Irish Republicanism.
When Tony Blair and George Bush launched the invasion of Iraq the AWL distinguished themselves by refusing to call for the withdrawal of western troops. The ostensible grounds were that they were protecting the incipient labour movement in Iraq!
But it is over Israel that the AWL have distinguished themselves. They are open supporters of the Israeli state in the guise of supporting a two state solution. They can claim to have virtually invented the concept of ‘left anti-Semitism’ as a means of undermining support for the Palestinians.
My attention was drawn to an article ‘No way to fight the witchhunt in the current edition of Workers Liberty.
It is an attack on Labour Against the Witchhunt.  According to the AWL’s Dale Street the main motion from the Steering Committee ‘sums up the core elements of left anti-Semitism.’
What you might ask does Dale mean? Is someone arguing that Jews are racially inferior to non-Jews? Perhaps we are peddling the stereotype that Jews are mean, cosmopolitans who owe no loyalty to anyone or anything (apart from our purse).  But no, that is what Israel’s best friend Viktor Orban said when he made George Soros the demonic figure of hate in the Hungarian general election last year.
In a speech commemorating the 170th anniversary of the Hungarian Revolution Orban gave a speech littered with anti-Semitic  tropes:
“They do not fight directly, but by stealth; they are not honourable, but unprincipled; they are not national, but international; they do not believe in work, but speculate with money; they have no homeland, but feel that the whole world is theirs. They are not generous, but vengeful, and always attack the heart – especially if it is red, white and green [the colours of the Hungarian flag].” Viktor Orban’s war on George Soros and Hungary’sJews, The Globe and Mail, 1.6.18.
Yet last July Orban was guest of honour in Israel visiting his old friend Benjamin Netanyahu.  As part of his visit to Israel Orban paid homage to the dead of the Holocaust at Israel’s Holocaust propaganda museum, Yad Vashem. Quite uniquely his visit was the subject of a picket by, amongst others Holocaust survivors. [Livid protesters block Hungarian PM Orban as heleaves Yad Vashem, The Times of Israel, 19.7.18.
This is the same Orban who described Admiral Horthy as an ‘exceptional statesman’ 
Horthy, who instituted Hungary’s White Terror in 1920 formed an alliance with Nazi Germany in the war and presided over the deportation of nearly half a million Jews to Auschwitz. Yet when Israel’s Ambassador to Hungary, Yossi Amrani, issued a mild rebuke to Orban last July for a blatantly anti-Semitic poster campaign against Soros, Netanyahu quickly overruled him. Israel Overrules its Ambassador to Hungary on Anti-Soros Ads.
Soros is also a hate figure in Israel for funding human rights groups. A week later Netanyahu paid a state visit to Hungary.
I mention this because the Israeli state has embraced virtually every anti-Semitic regime in Europe and not just Europe. Bolsonaro of Brazil is another friend of Israel yet the AWL insist on seeing Israel as a ‘Jewish’ state, the embodiment of world Jewry. Brazil applauds Netanyahu-Bolsonaro bromance, new ties with Jewish state, Times of Israel, 3.1.19.
LAW’s crime is that it is
not focused on the many hundreds of socialists expelled from the Labour Party, without notification of charges, hearing, or appeal, since 2015, on grounds of association (however loose) with left-wing groups such as Workers’ Liberty, Socialist Appeal, or Left Unity. Its prime concern is with Labour Party members charged with antisemitism.
What the AWL really mean is they would rather LAW ignores disciplinary action where the allegations involve accusations of anti-Semitism. Of course these allegations aren’t true. LAW’s Honorary President Moshe Machover was expelled and then reinstated because of his alleged membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Our proposed Constitution, under Aims, states that:
·         The first part of rule 2.1.4.B (‘Exclusions’) should be abolished: it bars from Labour Party membership anybody who “joins and/or supports a political organisation other than an official Labour group or other unit of the party” and has exclusively been used against left-wingers.
We have fought against all exclusions, whether they are on the grounds of support for another political organisation, anti-Semitism or indeed any other political grounds such as transphobia. Our proposed Constitution is quite clear:
·         All those summarily expelled or suspended without due process should be immediately reinstated.
The main motion to the conference is entitled ‘The slow coup against Jeremy Corbyn.’  Dale Street takes exception to an analysis which says that Corbyn has been attacked because he is seen as a threat to the strategic alliance with the US” because of his “critical attitude towards Israel”. Is the AWL seriously denying that Israel, which receives over $4 billion in aid each year from the USA, the largest of any country, is not in alliance with the USA? Why then would the USA give such large amounts of aid to Israel?
Equally objectionable to the AWL is our statement that the Israeli state and the Zionist lobby is conducting ‘a “war of attrition” against Corbyn. Apparently all these headlines in the Zionist press saying that Corbyn is an ‘existentialist threat’ to the Jewish community are just friendly banter. [Three Jewish papers take the unprecedented stepof publishing the same page on Labour antisemitism], Jewish Chronicle 25.7.18. 
The Al Jazeera programme The Lobby showing Israeli agent Shai Masot at work helping fan the flames of false ‘anti-Semitism’ are another example of ‘left’ anti-Semitism. 
Naturally our description of Corbyn’s ‘“policy of appeasement” (which has) culminated in the Labour Party’s adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism’ is anti-Semitic as is the suggestion that ‘This has “massively expanded” the scope for “false allegations of antisemitism”.
Of course the AWL see nothing wrong in a definition of ‘anti-Semitism’ which conflates anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism. Most people in the Labour Party (and outside) have no problem distinguishing between criticism of Israel or Zionism and hostility to Jews as Jews. The AWL however has swallowed, hook, line and sinker, the Zionist fable that to oppose Zionism is to be anti-Semitic.
Our suggestion that the anti-Semitism witch-hunt is fabricated and that the Jewish Labour Movement, the British wing of the racist Israeli Labour Party is orchestrating the attacks on Corbyn via its MP patrons such as Ruth Smeeth, Luciana Berger and Ian Austin is seen as yet more evidence of ‘left anti-Semitism’.  
Ironically, Owen Smith MP, when challenging Corbyn, accused the AWL of 'antisemitism' because in the eyes of the Right,  anti-semitism= the left!
However this has not always been the case. Cast your minds back to the summer of 2016. At that time Owen Smith challenged Jeremy Corbyn for the leadership of the Labour Party. In the course of the campaign Owen Smith made the allegation, on BBC Question Time, that the AWL was themselves anti-Semitic. As a result of this Peter Radcliffe and Daniel Randall were expelled by Iain McNicol for ‘anti-Semitism’. 
Around this time I happened to do a debate with Daniel Randall on the subject Is there such a thing as ‘left anti-Semitism’? I couldn’t therefore help but put it to Daniel that he and Peter had been bitten by the very dog that had attacked so many of us. There was a rich irony in the AWL being attacked by Labour’s Right as ‘anti-Semites’. Of course they failed to see the irony in the situation but it should have been crystal clear. To the Right all socialists are automatically ‘anti-Semites’. Indeed ‘anti-Semitism’ is a catch-all charge for the Right. Daniel was therefore forced to concede the truth of what I was saying:
I do want to say from the outset that it is undeniably the case that the issue of anti-Semitism has been instrumentalised and manipulated by some on the Labour Right and their supporters in the press in order to undermine Corbyn and the Left.  As Tony mentioned, last week Owen Smith accused us of anti-Semitism on national television, so it is very clear that there is a certain process going on there, a certain instrumentalisation and manipulation of an issue for cynical factional ends.  It has to be understood and opposed on its own terms. [Debate Between Tony Greenstein & Daniel Randall of the Alliance for Workers Liberty
But as Dale said ‘All the main themes of left antisemitism are there’. And what are these themes?
Our statement that Zionism is a form of racism. (‘so the very existence of Israel, above and beyond any particular policy, is “racist”). An ethno-nationalist state which calls itself Jewish, which declares that it is a state of only part of its inhabitants, is inherently racist. Just like a White ethno-nationalist state in South Africa or a Protestant Supremacist statelet in Northern Ireland was racist.
Does this mean we deny the right of Israeli Jews to live in Israel? No of course not.  What we do deny is the right of a racist state to exist, whether it is South Africa Israel or Nazi Germany.
Dale objects in particular to our description of ‘Palestinian Arabs who are born outside the territory now Israel’ as natives‘whereas Jews born there are “settler-colonialists”. But this is a political description of the function of Israeli Jews, who to this very day see themselves as a privileged community. It is Israeli Jews who are dispossessing and removing Palestinian Arabs from their lands.  Settler colonialism is an ongoing process and Israeli Jews are without doubt a settler population politically.
Dale concludes by saying that ‘No viable campaign against the expulsion of socialists from the Labour Party can be built by tying it to these conspiracy theories.’ Which is somewhat rich coming from the AWL. It was the AWL’s Jill Mountjoy and AWL sympathiser Michael Chessum who voted to remove Jackie Walker as Vice-Chair of Momentum at the instigation of Jon Lansman. Of course Lansman almost immediately turned round and attacked the AWL.
To describe the expulsion of myself as part of the false anti-Semitism campaign is apparently anti-Semitic. That perhaps is why the AWL and Progress have conducted almost a love-in on the question of ‘anti-Semitism’. The AWL’s ‘Stop the Purge’ campaign has disappeared and the reason why is you cannot support, as the AWL have done, the expulsion of Ken Livingstone for daring to mention Zionist-Nazi collaboration (a fact), you cannot support or justify the expulsion of other ‘left anti-Semites’ and then complain about your own expulsions. You have to be consistent but unfortunately AWL been consistent racists, supporting the ‘right’ of the world’s only apartheid state, Israel, to discriminate against its Palestinian citizens in the name of a ‘Jewish’ state.
Israel is not racist because of particular policies but because racism is in the DNA of the Israeli state. To take but one example 93% of Israel is state land or belongs to the Jewish National Fund. It is off limits to Israeli Arabs. Over the summer there were demonstrations by Jewish residents of the northern city of Afula because an Israeli Arab had managed to buy a house in a hitherto all-Jewish city. Is this simply a racist policy of Netanyahu? The situation of hundreds of Jewish only communities has been a feature of Israel since 1948.  The 1950 Law of Return, which allowed any Jew to emigrate to Israel whilst denying the Right of Return of Palestinian refugees, cemented Israel’s racist and colonial nature.
In what other country would you get a situation where the Chief Rabbi of Safed Shmuel Eliyahu, issues an edict that Jews must not rent property to Arabs.  Eliyahu is a paid state official yet the state is silent and when he is criticised dozens of Israeli rabbis back him up and issue similar rulings. [Dozens of Top Israeli Rabbis Sign Ruling toForbid Rental of Homes to Arabs], Ha’aretz 7.12.10.,  
Yet the AWL deny that this and dozens more examples of the most vicious and murderous racism suggest anything is amiss or strange in the State of Israel. For example when an Israeli soldier Elor Azaria murdered in cold blood a Palestinian lying on the floor he received a 9 month prison sentence. Elor Azaria released from prison after 9 months, YNet  5.8.18.
Contrast this with 16 year old Ahed Tamimi who received a sentence of 8 months for slapping an Israeli soldier who entered the grounds of her house. Ahed Tamimi, Palestinian Teen, Gets 8 Months in Prison for Slapping Israeli Soldier, New York Times, 21.3.18., 
The politics of the AWL are not new. There is nothing that they do which hasn’t been done in the past. They are the inheritors of the tradition laid down by Henry Hyndman of the Social Democratic Federation.  
Militancy at home and support for the Empire overseas. The SDF metamorphosed into the British Socialist Party and then the unfortunately named National Socialist Party. Unlike the SDF the AWL is but a fragment politically.
I copy below an excellent response to the AWL’s guru, Sean Matgamna by Jim Higgins, who was formerly National Secretary of the International Socialists (now the SWP) and an eclectic revolutionary. It is well worth reading.
Tony Greenstein



Jim Higgins

The arrogance of the long distance Zionist [1*]

(March 1998)


From Workers’ Liberty, No.38, March 1998.
Transcribed by Ted Crawford.
Marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive.

This will be the third time I have ventured to disagree with Sean Matgamna on the vexed question of Zionism. I do so with some trepidation because, or so it seems, even when I am right I am in reality exposing myself as fundamentally wrong and mischievously so. In my first article I attempted to lighten the subject with a few mildly humourous quips. I was sternly rebuked for this failure of seriousness. Chastened, in part two I adopted a serious tone. Sean responded by regretting my humour had been replaced by “choler, rodomontade, unleavened abuse, some of it purely personal ...” Did I really do all of that? I feel particularly cheered to hear that I was guilty of choler and rodomontade, rather like the man who discovered at an advanced age that he had been speaking prose all his life. Normally, of course, I only use unleavened abuse during Passover. Sorry about that.
Having reviewed Sean’s articles I can see that they fit quite nicely into the Matgamna mode of polemic. First and foremost, his views are lumped together in such a way that they will sharply divide him from other socialists. This is what Al Richardson calls “consumer socialism” and Marx calls “sectarianism.” In practice this means that since Bernard Dix died, there have been no adherents of the Shachtmanite school of bureaucratic collectivism on these shores and if Sean were to occupy this vacant franchise he would acquire a whole slew of politics to differentiate himself from everybody else. All you need is a file of New International (published monthly between 1936 and 1958) and you can start to kid yourself you are writing with all the style and eloquence of Max Shachtman. Along with all the clever nonsense about Russia you will also inherit the Workers’ Party-International Socialist League line on Israel.
A comparison of Sean’s article with a sampling of the WP-ISL texts shows that whatever Sean lacks in originality he has made up for in the diligence of his researches into the New International. In the September issue of Workers’ Liberty we have Sean as follows: “Cliff’s 1946 pamphlet does not deal at all with the political questions in the Middle East, having more to say about the price of oil than about the rights of national minorities. Where politics should have been there is a vacuum ...” Now here is Al Gates in the New International in September 1947: “T. Cliff’s competent analytical work on Palestine, and here too we observed a fine study of the economic growth and problems of the Middle East and the place of Palestine in that situation. Yet the whole work was outstanding for its studious evasion of the political questions of the class and national struggles taking place there.” Gates is more polite than Sean, but that will probably surprise no one.
Another standard feature of Sean’s method is the one where he complains bitterly that he is being abused unfairly as a prelude to unleashing a little of his own venom into the argument. For example, I raised the case of Deir Yassin because it took place in April 1948 and set in motion the Arab refugees, countering Sean said they only fled in May 1948 when the Arab armies started their offensive. In so doing I neglected to mention the killing of 60 Jews by Arabs in the bloody attacks of 1929. For this I was accused of hypocrisy. Perhaps now I should go on to apologise for failing to condemn the similar outrages of 1920, 1921, 1929, 1936 and 1938. In the interests of balance perhaps I should also throw in the massacres of Sabra and Chatila, because I condemn them as well. In the same vein, Sean insists that he does not believe that I, or the SWP, are racist, but in virtually breath he repeats his accusation that we are anti-semitic. This does not come from the WP-ISL. I have nowhere in the pro-Israel polemics of Al Gates and the rest seen them accuse their socialist opponents of anti-semitism. For that we must look to official Zionist spokesmen and Sean Matgamna. It is, I suppose, always nice to have two sources of inspiration.
Let us now turn to Sean’s predilection for discovering sinister and malign purposes in the motives of others and constructing a sort of retrospective amalgam. About a quarter of his piece is devoted to a partial and not very informative trawl through Cliff’s works on the Middle East. On the strength of his 1948 pamphlet Middle East at the Crossroads, this apparently made Cliff, along with Abram Leon, one of the Fourth International’s two experts on the Jewish question. Unfortunately, Leon was killed by the Nazis, so after 1946 Cliff must have stood pre-eminent, although Sean assigns a subordinate role to Ernest Mandel. Thus we have the sinister Cliff leading the FI along the road of “anti-semitic anti-Zionism.” Unfortunately, by the time Sean got round to this particular fantasy he had forgotten what he had written on the previous page: “In 1967, after the Six Day War, Cliff wrote a pamphlet which is closer in its political conclusions and implied conclusions to what Workers’ Liberty says than to what the SWP or Jim Higgins say now. The decisive shift came after 1967 and was brought to the present level of nonsense after the Yom Kippur war of 1973. The ‘honour’ of having established the post 1973 IS/SWP line belongs, I think, to none other than Jim Higgins (in an article in IS Journal).” There you have it comrade readers, Cliff set the style for the FI and especially the American SWP, except that until 1973 his views were not much different from those of Workers’ Liberty, which I assume are the same as Sean’s. Far from Cliff being the deus ex machina of anti-Zionist anti-semitism, I am. In International Socialism No. 64 in 1973, I wrote this seminal offending piece, Background to the Middle East Crisis. At the same time, the ground-breaking significance of the article passed without a murmur. Nobody, including the author, was aware that it was any more than a short explanation of the IS Group’s attitude to the Arab-Israeli war of 1973, which I had reported for Socialist Worker. In the 23 years since it was written probably only Sean Matgamna has read it, now that Sean, with Holmes-like skill, has unmasked me as the eminence grise of “non-racist anti-semitic anti-Zionism” I too have read it, and regret that it has no claims, subliminal or otherwise, to trend-setting originality.
Delving further into the Matgamna polemical method we find encounter that special form of arrogance that insists on setting all the terms of any debate and finding significance in a failure to follow him up any logical blind alley he may choose. Let us then consider his “serious and not entirely rhetorical question, why the Jewish minority, a third of the population in the 1940s, did not have national rights there.” Let us leave aside the fact that rhetorical questions are precisely the ones that are not looking for answers, and think about this one. First, in those terms of realpolitik to which Sean is so addicted, who was to afford them national determination in the 1930s and 1940s. Was it the Arab majority? Not a bit of it, the very notion of any kind of accommodation with the Arab majority was totally anathema to the Zionist leadership. Should they have addressed themselves to the British? Actually they did and were turned down. The fact is that there were no rights for self-determination for anyone in Palestine. British policy had been to utilize Zionism as a force to divide and discipline the Arab masses. That is how the Jewish population rose from fewer than 100,000 in 1917 to over 400,000 in 1939 (a third of the total population). The plan was for eventually a Jewish homeland under strictly British tutelage. The turning off of Jewish immigration in 1939 was because the British were concerned to pacify the Arab majority to safeguard Palestine as a British controlled Middle East hub, especially the oil pipeline, in the war.
The question of self-determination for the Zionists had nothing to do with democracy, because any solution, while the Jewish population remained a minority, would under democratic norms have to be cast in such a way that came to terms with the Arab majority. It is for this reason that the Zionist leadership fought so hard for unrestricted immigration and why the Arabs were against it. It is for the same reasons that the Zionists while demanding Jewish immigration were opposed to Arab immigration. It is the same reason why Zionist policy was bitterly opposed to the idea of a constituent assembly. This vexed question of population arithmetic is what distorted the political agenda of Palestine.
With two thirds of the population the Arabs would seem to have a fairly safe majority. In fact, they had a plurality of only 400,000. For the Zionist leadership this was the magic number and to overhaul it took precedence over all other considerations. Such a number might just, with massive difficulty and at the expense mainly of the Arabs, be accommodated. This was the emphasis of Zionist propaganda, despite that Palestine, assuming a complete disregard for the Arabs, could take only a small proportion of the Jews threatened and eventually murdered by Hitler. The massive propaganda effort was expended on altering Palestine’s population statistics, instead of demanding asylum from the US and Britain (who were infinitely better able to provide for it) for these and many, many more Jews who were to be lost in Himmler’s ovens. This was not a matter of emphasis, shouting louder about Jerusalem than New York, it was a positive opposition to Jews going anywhere other than Palestine. If the intention had been to save Jewish lives at all costs, the argument should have been: “If you will not let Jews into British-mandated Palestine, then you have an urgent and absolute moral responsibility to give them asylum elsewhere.” no such campaign was mounted.
Nevertheless, comrades might ask, is not the hallmark of socialist internationalism the free, unfettered flow of all people throughout the world? Why should Palestine be different? The short answer is that immigration as part of a concerted plan that will take over the country, expropriating, expelling and exploiting the native masses, is less immigration and more a long drawn out and aggressive invasion. For socialists, the reactionary character of Zionism is defined by its racist ideology, imbued with the spirit of separation and exclusion, the very reverse of socialist solidarity. It was prepared totally itself with every reactionary force that might help its purposes. It lobbied such figures as the Kaiser, the Sultan of Turkey, for twenty years it cosied up to British imperialism, finally snuggling into the embrace of the biggest imperial power of them all, the United States. In the process, it has treated the Arab population as a species of untermensch and has effectively driven a large portion of the Arab masses into the hands of Islamic obscurantists and bigots. It stands in the way of any socialist advance in the Arab world, operating as imperialism’s gendarme in the region, a far more effective force for imperialism than, for example, the feeble Saudi royal family or the Hashemites. If Zionism has had one redeeming feature over the years, it is that it never bothered to conceal its intentions, but it is difficult to commend a man for his honesty in telling you that he is going to beat your brains out, especially if he then delivers the mortal blow.
As Sean indicates, the development of ideas on Zionism in the Trotskyist movement is quite interesting. So Sean says, Cliff in his New International article of June 1939, was for Jewish immigration into Palestine and for the sale of land to the Jewish population, both points vigorously opposed by the Palestinian CP. His argument for this, and it is a thin one, is: “Yet from the negation of Zionism does not follow the negation of the right to existence and extension of the Jewish population in Palestine. This would only be justified if an objectively necessary identity existed between the population and nothing more.” Like a lot of Cliff, this takes a bit of time to get your head around. With perseverance one is, however, struck by how abstract it is as a serious formulation. Whether this is a reaction against the Arab chauvinism of the PCP I cannot say, but it clearly suggests that unless Zionism is 100% in the pocket of British imperialism it is OK to augment its forces. But as we well know, nationalist movements are not wedded to any particular sponsor, and their interests are never seen as identical and often antithetical. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem could make overtures to Hitler, Jabotinsky, the founder of revisionist Zionism, was a great admirer of Mussolini, and, during the war, Chandra Bose, the leftist Indian nationalist, worked with the Japanese, building an Indian national army. In the same way, the Jewish population were not 100% identified with Zionism, Cliff and the handful of Jewish Trotskyists were not and neither was the PCP, but in the absence of anything of consequence, Zionism certainly had at least the tacit support of an overwhelming majority of the Jews. After the war and the holocaust, that support became far more active.
I have a suspicion that it is from this 1939 article that Sean acquired his idea that the Comintern were not opposed to Jewish immigration to Palestine in the 1920s. In truth Cliff, as is his wont, is being a bit economical with the actualité here. He says: “The members of the Comintern in Palestine ... while absolutely opposed to Zionism (against the national boycott [of Arab goods and Arab labour - JH], against slogans like the Jewish majority and the Jewish state and the alliance with England, etc.), declared at the same time that the Jewish population is not to be identified with Zionism and hence demanded the maximum freedom of movement for Jewish immigration into Palestine ...” You will notice the odd usage of the “members of the Comintern in Palestine”. He is trying not to refer to the PCP, which he excoriated earlier in his piece, and also neglects to say that the PCP was formed of resignées from the Zionist Poale Zion in 1922. Whatever the PCP’s policy may have been, up to 1926-27, it was not the Comintern’s.
Cliff’s article concludes by proclaiming that the only solution is socialism, but in the meanwhile calls for a secular, unitary state in a parliamentary democracy. The suggested programme included: compulsory education for all, pensions, minimum wage and all the other appurtenances of the welfare state. All of this seemed to have a familiar ring about it, especially when taken with the call for Jewish immigration. Then it struck me, Cliff’s 1939 policy was the same as that of the WP-ISL, as set out in various resolutions of that party. Shachtman never acknowledged this fact, but then he always denied that the theory of bureaucratic collectivism came from Bruno Rizzi. We are now left with a terrible problem. We have it on no less authority than Sean Matgamna that Cliff, in 1946, had set the political line for the Fourth International, especially of the Cannonite SWP. Now I find that such is the dastardly cunning of T. Cliff, he had previously masterminded the opposing Shachtmanite WP-ISL policy. With the brain reeling, one realises the full horror of it all. The Cliff-inspired Shachtman variant has now been taken up by Sean Matgamna. When one recalls that for some years there was no greater fan of the US-SWP and James P. Cannon than Sean Matgamna (he endorsed their defencism, violent anti-Shachtmanism as well as their anti-Zionism), we might describe this phenomenon as “deviated apostolic succession.”
In all this chopping and exchanging of opinions, we can confidently affirm that Sean’s “two states for two peoples” formulation did not come from Lenin, Trotsky, Cliff (pre- or post-1946), Shachtman, Cannon or any other international socialist source. In Sean’s thesis it seems that if most Jews support a Zionist state, although the overwhelming majority of them do not and would not live there, then socialists must support them regardless of the democracy of numbers or the rights of others. By the same token, presumably, the rural Afrikaaners who want their own state must have it because they represent a significant minority.
It is possible to argue that after the war the people who suffered the ultimate barbarism of the holocaust deserved special treatment from the world that bore no little responsibility for that horror. It is a persuasive argument and one that struck the heartstrings of many in the aftermath of 1945. It was that public sympathy at the condition of the Jews, who had endured so much, languishing in displaced persons camps, that put pressure on the Allied governments to solve this humanitarian problem. What none of them were going to do was open their own doors to a flood of immigrants. Not least of their calculations concerned the fact that there were also hundreds of thousands of displaced people and prisoners of war who might have claimed similar privileges. Their attitude was rather like that of Kaiser Wilhelm II who thought of a Jewish homeland as “at least somewhere to get rid of our Yids.” The people’s conscience about the Jews was salved at little cost to the world but at the expense of the Palestinians. Many of the other refugees were herded callously to their deaths behind the Iron Curtain. In both instances, a cheap and easy solution for the Allies, but not one that readily commends itself to international socialists. It is ironic that the displaced persons camps in Europe emptied as the displaced persons in the Middle East were filling with Arabs. Why should the world’s debts be paid by the poorest people?
Of a piece with this affectation for the accomplished fact and his perverse inability to fight for it, is his sneering response to the suggestion that the answer is revolutionary socialism. For Sean, the fight must be for the maintenance of Israel. The socialist Matgamna is the eager partisan of this robustly capitalist state, this proud possessor of an arsenal of atomic bombs, this outpost of imperialism that enshrines the expropriation and exploitation of its Arab citizens and finds its justification in the notion of the exclusive and superior character of its Jewish people. Sean might condemn (but not too loud) the denial of human and democratic rights, the legal theft of property and land, the arbitrary arrests, the rigorous application of collective guilt, the deportations and curfews, but he draws no political conclusions other than to excuse this on the grounds of the right of Israel to be secure. For my part, I believe that so long as Israel exists as a Zionist state, then Jews and Arabs will continue to die needlessly and to no good purpose, as they are dying while we conduct this argument. There will be no peace. I further believe that only under socialism can the national question be solved for both peoples, because only then can there be any chance of fairness and equity. The history of the last 50 years is the negative affirmation of that fact.
Scattered throughout Sean’s text are four footnotes. Footnote 3 is quite charming, because it bangs on at length abusing the leadership of IS, during Sean’s recruiting raid within its ranks from 1968 to 1971. As part of the leadership during that time I was overjoyed to discover that, along with Cliff, Duncan Hallas, Chris Harman and Nigel Harris, I had displayed “Malvolio-like snobbery, self-satisfaction, and brain-pickling conceit, built on small achievement ...” As Malvolio said: “Some are born great, some achieve greatness and some have greatness thrust on them.” I have to say that, since he transferred his loyalty from Cannon to Shachtman, Sean has acquired an entirely better class of vituperation, although he still has some way to go before he is in the same street as Max Shachtman for his high-grade abuse. Probably better to get the politics right, Sean, especially the WP-ISL’s opposition to Zionism and two nations theory.
The disconnected footnote 4 concerns an anecdote told to Sean by James D. Young, concerning a discussion about Israel, in the late 1950s between Cliff and Hal Draper, witnessed by James. According to Sean: “Suddenly Draper turns on Cliff in irritation and repudiation, and accuses him: “You want to destroy Israeli Jews! I don’t!” leaving aside the “irritation” and “repudiation” - this is Sean spicing up the story - this little anecdote is actually more revealing of Sean’s method than of Cliff’s. We hear what Hal Draper said, as recalled by James, forty years after the event. But what did Cliff respond to this accusation of his wanting a pogrom of holocaust proportions? Did Sean ask James for this information and he could not remember? Or is it that Sean, having acquired the evidence for the prosecution, did not want to confuse matters with any defence? Or did Cliff have no explanation and confess that he, along with the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, wanted to drive all the Israeli Jews into the sea? If the answer to this last question is “yes”, then he should have been scandalised out of the movement. Or is this just something that Sean has failed to check properly with James D. Young? What we do know, however, is that Draper was against the Zionist state and wanted to replace it with an Arab-Jewish socialist state. And so say all of us, including Cliff, I think.
Throughout Sean’s reply there runs an accusatory thread that I am conducting this argument as some way of making my apologies to Cliff. If I defend his line on Palestine in Workers’ Liberty it is to cover my “social embarrassment before [my] SWP friends and former comrades.” Which ones are those, pray? Paul Foot, Chris Harman, Jim Nichol? I think not. I do not defend Cliff’s line on the permanent arms economy, because I no longer agree with it. I no longer defend his line on Russia, because I no longer agree with it. I defend his line on Zionism, because I agree with it. I defend the IS line on the Minority Movement that both of us held and he abandoned. It may come as a surprise to Sean but there are those of us who can disagree on fundamentals with Cliff without consigning everything he has said or done to the dustbin of history. At the same time, I do feel a degree of bitterness that what I saw as the best hope for the revolutionary movement in Britain since the 1920s, that I spent some time in helping to build, should have been diverted down various blind alleys at the behest of Cliff’s impressionism and caprice. Most of all, my real complain is not that Cliff has maintained his position on various matters, it is that he is capable of jettisoning almost any of those positions for at worst imaginary and at best transitory benefit. All of this and a great deal more, I have set out in a recently completed book on the IS group. [2] At the end of it I do not think anybody, including Cliff, will think that I am apologizing, or wonder why I, and many others, are a touch bitter.
Finally, I would like to apologize to those Workers’ Liberty readers who have got this far, for taking up so much of their time, but they really should blame Sean. He started it.

Tony Greenstein’s 40% vote for Secretary of Palestine Solidarity Campaign is a shot across the Executive’s bows

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PSC activists express their dissatisfaction with an Executive that puts a Zionist Emily Thornberry on a Palestinian platform

PSC’s November Bulletin boasted that ‘we had our biggest Parliamentary Lobby Day ever’. In ‘an incredible month for the Palestinian solidarity movement.’ there was a photograph of a PSC meeting at the House of Commons addressed by Shadow Foreign Secretary Emily Thornberry. Thornberry is the same person who boasted that when she became an MP in 2005 she joined Labour Friends of Israel. At the UK Israel Conference 2017’ Thornberry gushed:
‘Let me start by thanking BICOM and the Jewish News for inviting me to today’s historic event and once again for giving me the opportunity to emphasise the Labour Party’s long-standing, unstinting and unequivocal support for the State of Israel’ 
and she continued
‘even today despite the challenges that we must address in respect of relations and rights of the Palestinian people modern Israel stands out as a beacon of freedom, equality and democracy... in a region where oppression, discrimination and inequality are too often the norm.’
Electronic Intifada said of her speech that it ‘could have been written by a pro-Israel lobbyist.’ In an address to Labour Friends of Israel annual dinner, Thornberry claimed that BDS was “bigotry against the Israeli nation [that] has never been justified.”
Today Thornberry’s beacon of freedom, equality and democracy is having a General Election. But it’s not an election based on class politics, socialism v conservatism, Green v climate deniers, poor v rich as in most western societies. It is a competitionbetween former Israeli Chief of Staff Benny Gantz, Netanyahu and the New Right of Ayelet Shaked and Naftali Bennett as to who has killed the most Palestinians.
It features Likud MK Yaron Mazuz who teamedup with Elor Azaria, the soldier caught on camera executing a wounded and incapacitated Palestinian in Hebron.  As Elizabeth Tsurkov wrotein The ForwardAzaria’s military trial, conviction and incarceration for nine months were deeply unpopular among Jewish Israelis. The ad concludes with the line “Elor Azaria has joined me, you join too!”
PSC AGM: From file photo
As readers of this blog will be aware, I decided this year to stand for the post of National Secretary of PSC.  Apparently it was the first time in 15 years that an officer post was contested. I also produced a leaflet explaining why I was standing .
What led me to stand was not some unfulfilled ambition but a sense of despair at the timidity, caution and passivity of PSC in the face of the ongoing Zionist anti-Semitism campaign. Whilst I don’t think we should respond to every Zionist provocation to simply ignore our enemies attacks is and was foolish.  The failure to mount a serious campaign publicly against the IHRA definition of ‘anti-Semitism’ is unforgivable. 
What is unforgiveable it to put onto our platforms people who are our enemies.  Emily Thornberry is not a friend. She has made it clear that anti-Zionists should be expelled from the Labour Party.  What kind of serf mentality operates to think that giving her a platform will be of benefit to the Palestinians? Of course she will make all the right noises about Israeli human rights abuses but at the end of the day she is a signed up supporter of the Israeli State which carries out those abuses.
Razan al-Najar 21 year old medic gunned down by Thornberry's 'beacon of light' in Gaza last year
Jonathan Rosenhead and Glynn Secker of Jewish Voice for Labour defended PSC Executive at the AGM for having helped pay for the legal opinion of Hugh Tomlinson QC and having mailed it out to local authorities.  Fine.  But did they hold any public meetings? Were there any lobbies of MPs over the IHRA? Did they support JVL’s own counter-demonstration outside the House of Commons on March 26that the height of the ‘mural’ affair? Did they support the lobby of Labour’s National Executive Committee on September 4th? Are they going to follow up Liberty’s decision to oppose the IHRA? Or is everything going to be tokenistic?
The adoption of the IHRA is a dagger aimed at the heart of Palestine solidarity. What it means is that you can oppose Israeli human rights atrocities but you cannot oppose the state that perpetrates those atrocities. Imagine that the Anti-Apartheid Movement had opposed the actions of the South Africa state in Soweto but had refused to criticise the State itself? That is what the IHRA does and for PSC not to take it seriously and for leading JVL members to give them their support is unconscionable.  It is also stupid politics.
My advice to JVL is some comradely advice to look to America and follow the example of Jewish Voice for Peace which has now openly declared that it is an anti-Zionist organisation.
I had considerable doubts about standing.  Firstly because becoming a national officer of PSC is not one of my ambitions! Secondly because I was unsure about how my message would go down to a conference that is not normally known for its willingness to challenge the Executive. In the end I did far better than I had expected with about 40% of the vote 67-101 (at least I think so as someone rang me as the results were being announced!). At least 50 people simply abstained. If I was Ben Soffa I would be worried having been elected with a minority of delegates, many of whom were wielding a union block vote!
My motion on Jenny Tonge received 89-129 votes and it is clear that many people were extremely unhappy at the dumping of someone who has been of the fiercest advocates of the Palestinians in Parliament and who has suffered an extraordinary amount of vilification from McCarthite smear groups like the Campaign Against Anti-Semitism. Her treatment was at the hands of the new Chair of PSC, Kamel Hawash, which suggests that Hawash is going to continue where the retiring Chair Hugh Lanning left off. PSC needs to learn to stand up to its enemies not retreat at the first sound of gunfire.
There was also a soft motion from Liverpool Friends of Palestine raising the question of a single democratic state. It was soft enough for the Executive to support it. It stated that 'decisions on the strategy for Palestinian liberation will be taken by Palestinians.'which begs the point that Palestinians are in no position to take any decisions on strategy.  It is the Quisling Palestinian Authority which in practice makes such decisions.
Even more amazingly a motion from Exeter PSC which described what Israel is doing as ‘slow motion genocide’ was passed by Conference against the opposition of the Executive.  This is almost unheard of.
Given that PSC Executive can count on a block vote by affiliated unions, who possess 3 card votes it suggests that the Executive is losing the support of activists. This is not helped by the turgid format of the Conferences themselves. Year after year an Executive Report is presented to the Conference. Year after year the Report says much the same thing.  It is as if the Executive has a psychological need to have their lethargy and lack of imagination complimented.
Conference needs to be restructured with breakout sessions and workshops and a genuine interaction between delegates. At the moment it serves no useful purpose. All affiliated bodies i.e. trade unions should have only one vote not three. People should be able to vote the moment they join. Unfortunately PSC Executive is not blessed with either imagination or daring! It fears innovation.
I asked  a question on the Finance Report which was how come with an increased membership the amount of income went down! The Treasurer was unable to give an answer at least not one that anyone could understand. The membership figures were given for the first time ever.  Apparently they have jumped from 4,064 to 5,900 in the last year. I don’t believe it.  I remember Betty Hunter announcing a decade ago that PSC membership was over 5,000.
It is welcome that Jenny Lynn was reelected with the highest vote and a welcome to a Jersey PSC member, Natalie Strecker who spoke strongly in the ‘genocide’ debate of her experiences in the Zionist hell hole called Hebron. Unfortunately Monica Wusterman decided in the end not to stand.
The primary problem is that the Executive is in the political grip of Socialist Action and the Communist League, the remnants from the old International Marxist Group. Their politics are effectively Stalinist and the capitalist Chinese regime is a model of socialism to them.
More importantly they do not believe in rocking the boat and they believe in cuddling up to the Trade Union bureaucracy.  So although most Unions are affiliated to PSC they have nonetheless support the Zionist IHRA definition of anti-Semitism without a word of protest by PSC Executive. At no time has there been an attempt to win the unions to opposing the IHRA in the Labour Party or outside it.
Unfortunately Socialist Fight fall into a trap that the Zionists have laid
I carry below a report from Gerry Downing of Socialist Voice on the conference. The Report is a fair one but I have to say that their continued characterisation of the Israel or Zionist lobby as a Jewish ethnic lobby is unhelpful. The fact that the Zionist lobby describes itself as Jewish is no reason for SV to adopt this anti-Semitic meme.
It is also not true.  People like Lord Pickles of CFI are not Jewish but are nonetheless ardent Zionists. The fact that many Jews are Zionists is irrelevant. That is not the reason why the British and US states supports Israel. There is nothing Jewish about the Israel lobby.
Tony Greenstein
27/01/2019by socialistfight
The woman on the right on the Gaza border is just about to be shot dead by an IDF sniper in what is clearly a war crime.
Report by Gerry Downing
Approximately 250 in attendance. Most of the AGM was routine apart from some questioning of the finance report – how come with an increase of 31% in membership income receipts from members declined from £84,142 in 2017 to £80, 775 in 2018? Answer: If you joined in August only that portion of your membership from August to January would be counted. Satisfied?
Four contested events: two motions and the elections for the Secretary and for the eight lay members of the Executive.
The first controversial motion was that from Exeter PSC on the Nation State law. The Executive wanted to remove that part of the first paragraph which said, “which in relation to Palestinians in Israel or Occupied Palestine Territories can be described at best as apartheid … and at worst as attempted (slow motion Exeter addendum) genocide … These are both crimes under international law.”
So, the Zionist lobby attacked the PSC Executive viciously, expecting a robust response, but the Executive cleverly fooled them by running away.
Exeter accepted the addendum of the Executive but not the deletion.  A heated discussion took place, Socialist Fight’s two delegates strongly defending the Exeter designation of the actions of Israel as genocide. We pointed out that South African apartheid was different to the intent and actions of Israel. The South African racists wanted to exploit the labour of the oppressed black population, Israel wanted to get rid of the Palestinians. The Naqba had ethnically cleansed up to 800,000 Palestinians in 1948, the Nation State Law showed its intent to legally designate the remaining Palestinian who were citizens of Israel as second class and the constant bombing of Gaza was another strong indication of their intent. Supporters of Exeter’s motion defeated the Executive amendment with no count of the votes necessary and so their designation of Israel’s actions as ‘slow motion genocide’ stands.
The desire to conciliate Zionist reaction was even clearer in the other controversial motion, Motion 3, proposed by Tony Greenstein. This defended Jenny Tonge against the action of the Executive in forcing her resignation because, in response to the Zionist use the murder of 11 Jews at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pennsylvania on 27 October she tweeted: “Absolutely appalling and a criminal act, but does it ever occur to Bibi and the present Israeli government that its actions against Palestinians may be reigniting anti-Semitism? I suppose someone will say that it is anti-Semitic to say so.”
They did, beginning with the right wing Tory bigots, Conservative Friends of Israel Lords Pickles and Polak. The motion pointed out that “nothing that Jenny Tonge said was antisemitic” and that Israeli Minister Naftali stated that “the hand that fire missiles is the same hand that shoots worshippers”.
The debate was heated, with all defenders of the Executive’s appalling treatment of Jenny essentially arguing that we had to bow to the Zionist onslaught, and she said the wrong thing at the wrong time. Basically, you could no longer speak the truth about Israel during a vicious Zionist campaign of lies and slanders against the left. So, the Zionist lobby attacked the PSC Executive viciously, expecting a robust response, but the Executive cleverly fooled them by running away. The motion was lost by 89 votes to 129 with 22 abstentions because it was basically a vote of no confidence in the Executive and they would have been forced into a humiliating climb down and the new Chair, Kamel Hawwash, who took the main responsibility for the conduct of the affair, would have to resign.  But 89 thought he should and 22 were not sure about him at all.
Tony Greenstein stood for the Secretary’s position against Ben Soffa but lost by 67 votes to 103, a creditable performance. Socialist Fight putout a leaflet critically defending him (he did motivate our expulsion from Labour Against the Witchhunt). In his blog and in the leaflet he put out at the conference he attacked the PSC Executive because their: “Self-congratulation, timidity and caution bordering on obsequiousness is not the stuff of a solidarity campaign! He goes through their list of failures, failure to defend Jeremy Corbyn and the left anti-Zionists in Labour against the bogus charges of left anti-semitism. “Israel is NOT a democratic state – that should be our message” so why did the PSC Executive have “a PSC meeting in the House of Commons with Emily Thornberry, Shadow Foreign Secretary addressing the meeting. This is the same Emily Thornberry who is quoted as stating that:
‘People who believe Israel does not have the right to exist should be drummed out of the Labour Party.’
Far from challenging Thornberry to disavow her support for Labour Friends of Israel PSC uncritically gives her a platform. In an interview with The Standard she boasted that “I joined Labour Friends of Israel when I became an MP in 2005. I support the Palestinians’ right to have a state and I support the state of Israel.’
The meeting was addressed by His Excellency Husam Zomlot, Palestinian Ambassador to the UK. Tony’s flyer correctly states that “the Palestinian Authority is a Quisling authority”:
“The PA openly collaborates with Israeli security forces, something which Mahmoud Abbas has described as ‘sacred’. The PA is an enemy of the Palestinian people, yet PSC has never uttered even one word of criticism. On the contrary it maintains close relations with the Palestinian ‘Embassy’ in London.”
The National reported that Mr Zomlot told Sky News on Tuesday (2 October 2018) that,
“Mr Zomlot said the UK should take on the role of lead mediator between the Palestinians and the Israelis for the benefit of both the US and Britain. Best friends are there to fill the vacuum, if the vacuum is going to be dangerous for your old friend which is America, fill it. This is a moment of leadership.”
Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) is the President of the Palestine Authority recognised by the ‘International Community’ i.e. the USA and its global stooges, including in this instance, the EU, Russia and China. He abolished elections when his term of office expired 15 January 2009. He is a member of the Fatah party and was elected Chairman in 2009. On December 16, 2009 he was voted into office indefinitely by the PLO Central Council. Why hold elections you would certainly lose to Hamas when you have the backing of Israel and the USA and the acquiescence of the entire imperialist world?
Lastly, we were entertained by a dance troupe trio from the Palestine Hawiya Dance Company just after the break, who put on a really excellent show for us all.

LIBEL - Why I have rejected a ‘drop hands’ settlement offer from the Campaign Against Anti-Semitism

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Help me fight the Political Terrorism of the McCarthyites who say that opposing ethnic cleansing and the murder of Palestinian children equals ‘anti-Semitism’
On February 6th 2018 I submitted a complaint to the Charity Commission concerning the Campaign Against Anti-Semitism. https://antisemitism.uk/ Despite the elapse of time the CC has still refused to give a definitive ruling although Civil Society reportedthat they were ‘assessing concerns over Campaign Against Antisemitism petition’ against Jeremy Corbyn.

The CAA has waged an unremitting war against Corbyn ever since his election as Leader of the Labour Party. This is because all sections of the Israeli state and Zionist parties have repeatedly attacked Corbyn for his support for the Palestinians.
One of over 240 anti-Corbyn posts on the CAA site
Open party political campaigning, including supporting or opposing particular factions in a party should be ruled ultra vires as it is clearly ruled out in the advicethe Charity Commission give.
Sir William Shawcross

However despite this the Charity Commission has refused to act. Its only concern is to victimiseMuslim or left-wing charities.  Zionist and Islamaphobic ‘charities’ seem to have carte blanche to do anything. This was particularly the case under its previous Chairman, William Shawcross, a notorious anti-Islamic bigot.
The post on the CAA site that particularly angered me was one which the CAA posted on the death of Jewish MP Gerald Kaufmann, a long-time supporter of the Palestinians.
I then drew up my own petition
calling on the Charity Commission to act against the CAA. To date it has over 7,500 signatures and it would be good if more people could sign it.
Libel law is for the rich
The CAA responded to my petition and submission to the CC by, you guessed it, calling me an anti-Semite.  Originality is not their forte. Even though I am a longstanding anti-fascist and anti-racist as well as being Jewish, criticising Israel and Zionism made me a Jew-hater in their upside down world.  Not only an anti-Semite but a ‘notorious anti-Semite’. They repeated this at least four times.

On 13th February I issued proceedings for libel at the High Court in London. Because of crowdfunding I was able to employ a barrister to draw up my Claim Form and Particulars of Claim. As is normal the wheels of justice grind slowly. On 14thFebruary 2019, one year and one day later there will be a Preliminary Issues Trial to determine things like meaning but also what Defence the CAA can mount.
Under the 2013 Defamation Act there are basically two defences you can mount.  Under section 2 you can claim that what you said is a statement of fact and is true because truth is an absolute defence to libel.  However the CAA know that their accusation against me is a lie so they are therefore hoping to rely on section 3, ‘Honest Opinion’, the old common law ‘fair comment’ defence which newspapers used to use. What they trying to persuade the Court to agree to is that although they can’t prove I am an anti-Semite, nonetheless they honestly believe I am! In other words they can libel and defame anyone they want to but when called to account they will say that it is their opinion, even if it’s wrong!
The CAA, is almost certainly an Israeli state funded organisation. It is not interested in anti-Semitism from the fascist Right and you would search its website for articles attacking for example Tommy Robinson or the English Defence League. At best they go after fringe fascists like mentally deranged Alison Chabloz in order to maintain a facade that they are interested in anti-Semitism wherever it comes from. But whereas there is just one article on one supporter of Tommy Robinson there are at the present time some 243 articles
attacking Jeremy Corbyn, whose anti-racism is second to none, as an anti-Semite.
There is just one post on the CAA website which even mentions Tommy Robinson in passing
The CAA’s expensive lawyers, RPC Solicitors have racked up some £45,000 of costs so far with lots more to come. It was with this in mind that they sent me, on 30thJanuary an offer known as a ‘drop hands’ settlement. This meant that if I agree to give up my case then they won’t pursue me for costs.
The CAA are fully aware that I have a strong case but they hope to intimidate me into dropping my case in order that I avoid bankruptcy.  It is a tempting offer. However after  much consideration I refused and sent them a letter
Why am I appealing to you? Because this is not just about me or my reputation. It is about all of us who the CAA and other Zionist organisations defame as anti-Semites. According to these McCarthyite organisations, if you criticise Zionism as a racially supremacist ideology that priorities Jews before the indigenous population of Palestine then you are an anti-Semite and if you are a Jewish anti-Zionist then you are a ‘self-hater’ an insult first popularised by the Nazis.
It is time to stand up to these blackmailers and witchhunters. Clearly they are worried at the amount it is costing to defend themselves and they are trying to intimidate me into withdrawing my action. I refuse to be intimidated but I also need your help if I am to be successful.
I desperately need to instruct solicitors and barristers myself. To date I have raised about £10,000.  Given that the CAA will probably spend about £100,000 possibly more, I need to raise at least double this if I am to have a chance of succeeding.  Remember this is as much your fight as mine.
IF you can afford it please donate to SAYING NO 2 THE ANTISEMITISM LIBEL or send a donation straight to Pay Pal at tonygreenstein111@gmail.com. If you do choose to use Pay Pal, clearly specify that this is a libel fund donation. Thanks.
Tony Greenstein


Anti-Semitism Libel Fund

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Please Stand With Me in Saying No to the Liars and Defamers of the so-called Campaign Against Antisemitism

People tell me that it wasn't clear where to donate money to my libel fund in my last post.  Please click here or if you are on 

Pay Pal then pay to my email address tonygreenstein111@gmail.com 

or post to me at PO Box 173, Brighton BN51 9EZ making any cheques out to BUWC
This disgusting anti-Muslim cartoon is on the CAA's website - that is what their 'anti-racism' amounts to







It is time to break up social media – from Facebook to Twitter

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I am posting this as part of a debate on social media which is now the currency of communication, fast replacing the print media. Yet it is dominated by a handful of corporations. In the West, with their intrusive algorithms they are simply annoying. But in places like Burman they helped perpetrate the genocide of the Rohinga.

The articles below call for their break-up as happened with large trusts in America in the 19thcentury.  However socialists should talk about how to democratically control social media not merely disperse them among more capitalists.

Tony Greenstein
America responded to the Gilded Age’s abuses of corporate power with antitrust laws that allowed the government to break up the largest concentrations. It is time to use antitrust again. We should break up the high-tech behemoths.
December 7, 2018 Robert Reich Robert Reich blog

The Verge
The New York Times revealed last week that Facebook executives withheld evidence of Russian activity on the Facebook platform far longer than previously disclosed. They also employed a political opposition research firm to discredit critics.
There’s a larger story here.
America’s Gilded Age of the late 19th century began with a raft of innovations — railroads, steel production, oil extraction — but culminated in mammoth trusts owned by “robber barons” who used their wealth and power to drive out competitors and corrupt American politics.
We’re now in a second Gilded Age — ushered in by semiconductors, software and the internet — that has spawned a handful of giant high-tech companies.
Facebook and Google dominate advertising. They’re the first stops for many Americans seeking news. Apple dominates smartphones and laptop computers. Amazon is now the first stop for a third of all American consumers seeking to buy anything.
This consolidation at the heart of the American economy creates two big problems.
First, it stifles innovation. Contrary to the conventional view of a U.S. economy bubbling with inventive small companies, the rate at which new job-creating businesses have formed in the United States has been halved since 2004, according to the census.
A major culprit: Big tech’s sweeping patents, data, growing networks, and dominant platforms have become formidable barriers to new entrants.
The second problem is political. These enormous concentrations of economic power generate political clout that’s easily abused, as the New York Times investigation of Facebook reveals. How long will it be before Facebook uses its own data and platform against critics? Or before potential critics are silenced even by the possibility?
America responded to the Gilded Age’s abuses of corporate power with antitrust laws that allowed the government to break up the largest concentrations.
President Teddy Roosevelt went after the Northern Securities Company, a giant railroad trust financed by J.P. Morgan and John D. Rockefeller, the nation’s two most powerful businessmen. The U.S. Supreme Court backed Roosevelt and ordered the company dismantled.
In 1911, President William Howard Taft broke up Rockefeller’s sprawling Standard Oil empire.
It is time to use antitrust again. We should break up the high-tech behemoths, or at least require that they make their proprietary technology and data publicly available and share their platforms with smaller competitors.
There would be little cost to the economy, because these giant firms rely on innovation rather than economies of scale — and, as noted, they’re likely to be impeding innovation overall.
Is this politically feasible? Unlike the Teddy Roosevelt Republicans, Trump and his enablers in Congress have shown little appetite for antitrust enforcement.
But Democrats have shown no greater appetite — especially when it comes to Big Tech.
In 2012, the staff of the Federal Trade Commission’s bureau of competition submitted to the commissioners a 160-page analysis of Google’s dominance in the search and related advertising markets, and recommended suing Google for conduct that “has resulted — and will result — in real harm to consumers and to innovation.” But the commissioners, most of them Democratic appointees, chose not to pursue the case.
The Democrats’ new “better deal” platform, which they unveiled a few months before the midterm elections, included a proposal to attack corporate monopolies in industries as wide-ranging as airlines, eyeglasses and beer. But, notably, the proposal didn’t mention Big Tech.
Maybe the Democrats are reluctant to attack Big Tech because the industry has directed so much political funding to Democrats. In the 2018 midterms, the largest recipient of Big Tech’s largesse, ActBlue, a fundraising platform for progressive candidates, collected nearly $1 billion, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.
As the Times investigation of Facebook makes clear, political power can’t be separated from economic power. Both are prone to abuse.
One of the original goals of antitrust law was to prevent such abuses.
“The enterprises of the country are aggregating vast corporate combinations of unexampled capital, boldly marching, not for economical conquests only, but for political power,” warned Edward G. Ryan, chief justice of Wisconsin’s Supreme Court, in 1873.
Antitrust law was viewed as a means of preventing giant corporations from undermining democracy.
“If we will not endure a king as a political power,” thundered Ohio Sen. John Sherman, the sponsor of the nation’s first antitrust law in 1890, “we should not endure a king over the production, transportation and sale” of what the nation produced.
We are now in a second Gilded Age, similar to the first when Congress enacted Sherman’s law. As then, giant firms at the center of the American economy are distorting the market and our politics.
We must resurrect antitrust.
Robert B. Reich is Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley. He served as Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration. He is also a founding editor of the American Prospect magazine and co-creator of the award-winning documentary, "Inequality For All." He's co-creator of the Netflix original documentary "Saving Capitalism," which is streaming now. 


It’s time to break up facebook

 ‘Start by breaking off WhatsApp and Instagram’

By 

Illustrations by William Joel
Tim Wu thinks it’s time to break up Facebook.
Best known for coining the phrase “net neutrality” and his book The Master Switch: The Rise and Fall of Information Empires, Wu has a new book coming out in November called The Curse of Bigness: Antitrust in the New Gilded Age. In it, he argues compellingly for a return to aggressive antitrust enforcement in the style of Teddy Roosevelt, saying that Google, Facebook, Amazon, and other huge tech companies are a threat to democracy as they get bigger and bigger.
“We live in America, which has a strong and proud tradition of breaking up companies that are too big for inefficient reasons,” Wu told me on this week’s Vergecast. “We need to reverse this idea that it’s not an American tradition. We’ve broken up dozens of companies.”
And breaking up Facebook isn’t a new idea. Ever since Mark Zuckerberg bought Instagram and WhatsApp, the idea of undoing those deals has been present at the periphery of the conversation about regulating tech companies. Both were serious burgeoning competitors to the social network, and both acquisitions sailed through without serious government oversight, which was a mistake. Instead of facing competition, Facebook was able to swallow its rivals and consolidate the market.
“I think if you took a hard look at the acquisition of WhatsApp and Instagram, the argument that the effects of those acquisitions have been anticompetitive would be easy to prove for a number of reasons,” says Wu. And breaking up the company wouldn’t be hard, he says.
“What would be the harm? You’ll have three competitors. It’s not ‘Oh my god, if you get rid of WhatsApp and Instagram, well then the whole world’s going to fall apart.’ It would be like ‘Okay, now you have some companies actually trying to offer you an alternative to Facebook.’”

“I THINK EVERYONE’S STEERING WAY AWAY FROM THE MONOPOLIES, AND I THINK IT’S HURTING INNOVATION IN THE TECH SECTOR.”

Breaking up Facebook (and other huge tech companies like Google and Amazon) could be simple under the current law, suggests Wu. But it could also lead to a major rethinking of how antitrust law should work in a world where the giant platform companies give their products away for free, and the ability for the government to restrict corporate power seems to be diminishing by the day. And it demands that we all think seriously about the conditions that create innovation.
“I think everyone’s steering way away from the monopolies, and I think it’s hurting innovation in the tech sector,” says Wu.

Facebook told us it wasn't a typical big, bad company. It is

The tech giant claimed to be bringing the world together for the benefit of humanity. The truth is far less palatable

 Facebook’s CEO, Mark Zuckerberg, testifies at a joint hearing of the Senate judiciary and commerce committees, April 2018. Photograph: Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call,Inc.

It made grand statements about providing internet access to rural areasthrough special solar-powered planes. (The project was scrapped earlier this year.) It told the developing world it was giving them the internet for free viaFree Basics. (Users in India rose up in protest once they realised they weren’t getting the internet but rather a walled garden of just Facebook and some partner sites.) It let anyone, anywhere, use its platform to target ads and news stories to people around the world. (We all know how that turned out, да?)
At some point Facebook’s marketing team even released a video trying to convince us it was a comfortable chair that we could sit on. (I have no explanation for this. It made no sense.)
But the events over the past year have made it abundantly clear that Facebook is no different from several other large corporations adept at feeding us one line while actually serving up something a bit less palatable.
New York Times investigation this week expanded on Facebook’s many missteps when faced with Russian manipulation of its platform, and exposed the company’s “dark arts” tactics to hurt their critics and competitors. It detailed the company’s work with Definers Public Affairs, a DC consultancy that planted articles across the web criticising Google and Apple, as well as critics such as George Soros, the billionaire philanthropist who has been vocal about Facebook and other tech companies.
For all its innovation, Facebook did not invent cover-ups or smear campaigns. Documents from the 1980s show that Shell and Exxon were aware of and predicted the negative impact of their products on the environment. Dupont knew that one of the chemicals it used to make Teflon carried serious health risks – but withheld that information from the public for decades.
Tobacco companies were found guilty in the US in 2006 of having deceived the public about the health impact of smoking. And politicians have long used “oppo research” to dig up dirt on their opponents that they can then release during election time to stir up public outrage.
Facebook and its thousands of progressive employees would surely shudder to be included in the company of big oil, chemical manufacturers, tobacco companies and politicians. And yet, are they really so different?
To be clear, Facebook is not all bad. It has helped us stay in touch with family and friends. It lets us share videos of cute pandas while we kill time in the doctor’s office. And it lets us voice our pent-up rage at distant relatives whose political views are wildly different from our own.
But doing one or a few good things doesn’t mean you are a good company or have good values. Because guess what? The large, shady corporations that many of us distrust also do plenty of things that greatly simplify our lives. Chemical companies produce plastics, which are ubiquitous thanks to their functional versatility and low cost. Oil gets many of our cars from one place to another.
Along with the practical value of these products comes the marketing of the good of their parent companies. Remember the commercials from Chevron that showed us fluffy, healthy animals, completely untarred, accompanied by a calm voice telling us that the company cared deeply about the environment? In a similar vein, Philip Morris has a global initiative to eliminate smoking, and Dupont, the manufacturer that once leaked toxic chemicals from one of its plants, now has a philanthropic initiative that aims to “help feed the world”.
There is, however, one thing all these companies have in common that Facebook does not. Tobacco, oil and chemical manufacturers have all faced a reckoning in which fines and regulation have worked to keep them on a straighter (if not straight) path.
If it wants to avoid a similar fate, Facebook would do well to recognise what it is. It is not a social movement, not a tool for democracy, and certainly not a chair. It is a company, and like most companies, driven first and foremost by profit. The good companies are the ones who acknowledge this but are equally aware of their responsibility and their need to act ethically and with transparency. The bad companies are the ones who believe they are something else – who tell themselves and the world that they are one thing, when in fact they are something very different.
Jessica Powell is the former vice-president of communications at Google and the author of The Big Disruption: A Totally Fictional but Essentially True Silicon Valley Story, available on Medium


HOW FACEBOOK’S RISE FUELED CHAOS AND CONFUSION IN MYANMAR


The social network exploded in Myanmar, allowing fake news and violence to consume a country emerging from military rule.
THE RIOTS WOULDN’T have happened without Facebook.

On the the evening of July 2, 2014 a swelling mob of hundreds of angry residents gathered around the Sun Teashop filling the streets in the commercial hub of Mandalay, Myanmar’s second-largest city. The teashop’s Muslim owner had been accused, falsely, of raping a female Buddhist employee.
The accusations against him, originally reported on a blog, exploded when they made its way to Facebook—by then, synonymous with the internet in Myanmar. Many among the crowd had seen the Facebook post, which was widely shared including by a Mandalay-based ultra-nationalist monk named Wirathu, who has a massive following across the country.
As anger rose among the throngs of men, police struggled to disperse the growing crowds, firing rubber bullets and trying to corral rioters into certain sections of the city. Their efforts were largely unsuccessful. Soon, armed men were marauding through the streets of the royal capital on motorbikes and by foot wielding machetes and sticks. Rioters torched cars and ransacked shops.
A curfew was imposed in the city and surrounding townships. Authorities were fearful that the violence would spread to other towns that had seen outbreaks of religious violence the previous year. The mayhem did not spread, but during the multi-day melee in Mandalay two men—one Muslim and one Buddhist—were killed and around 20 others were injured.
The unrest was the latest in a string of flare-ups, often violent, between minority Muslims and Buddhists in the majority-Buddhist country of around 51 million since restrictions on free speech and the internet were steadily loosened starting in 2010. Waves of violence broke out in the western Rakhine state in 2012 between Muslims and Buddhists, leaving nearly 200 dead and displaced some 140,000, mainly Rohingya Muslims and reverberated across the country in the months and years that followed.
A firefighter sprays a smouldering building in the wake of clashes between Buddhists and Muslims that left at least 20 people dead in a the central Myanmar town of Meikhtila in 2013.

After the unrest, which left scores of buildings in flames, Myanmar’s army took control in the city. KHIN MAUNG WIN/AUSCHWITZ PROTOCOLS


In Naypyitaw, the country’s vast capital some 170 miles south of Mandalay, government officials quickly realized the seriousness of the unfolding situation. Chris Tun, the head of Deloitte’s Myanmar operations and a longtime member of the country’s tech community, received a frantic phone call. On the line was Zaw Htay, a senior official in the office of President Thein Sein, a retired general who until a few years earlier had served as the fourth most powerful figure in the junta and a loyal comrade to dictator Than Shwe.
Thein Sein’s military-backed party suffered a near-total defeat by Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy at the polls in November 2015. His term ended in March 2016. Aung San Suu Kyi, who is barred by the constitution from holding the presidency, serves as the country’s de facto leader with the title of State Counsellor. But the military is not under civilian oversight and retains an outsized role in the country’s political arena, controlling a quarter of all parliament seats as well as three key ministries. 
Desperate for a way to stem the mayhem, Zaw Htay asked Tun—who worked previously in the United States and was involved in the US-ASEAN Business council, a Washington-based lobbying group focused on Southeast Asia—to try to contact Facebook on behalf of the President’s Office to see if anything could be done to halt the spread of disinformation.
Protesters hold placards and chant during a demonstration against Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, as she attends an event at the Guildhall in the City of London on May 8, 2017.
CHRIS J RATCLIFFE/GETTY IMAGES


“They started to panic and they did not know what to do,”says Tun, who left Deloitte last year. “He was quite worried.” Facebook does not maintain an office in Myanmar, and there was, according to Tun, confusion over how to reach officials at the company. Zaw Htay, who now serves at the spokesman for Aung San Suu Kyi's government, confirmed the phone call took place.
Tun’s attempts to contact Facebook officials in the United States dragged into the night but were unsuccessful. He eventually fell asleep. Soon, a decision was made by the President’s Office to temporarily block access to Facebook in Mandalay, Zaw Htay says.
The decision was the right one, he says, because it put a stop to the clashes. When Tun awoke the next morning, he had five or six emails from Facebook officials concerned over the site being unreachable, he says. (Five people, including a woman who admitted she was paid to make the false rape claim, were eventually sentenced to 21 years in prison for their roles in starting the riots.)
ON JULY 20, 2014, a little more than two weeks after the unrest, members of Myanmar’s budding tech scene gathered in a conference room at MICT Park, a badly dated office complex built in Yangon by the junta in a largely unsuccessful attempt to advance the country’s tech prowess.
A panel discussion had been hastily arranged after the riots with the help of Tun, Zaw Htay, and others. The participants included representatives from Google, the Asia Foundation, and the government, but most in the audience had come to hear—and demand answers—from Mia Garlick.
Garlick, Facebook’s director of policy for the Asia-Pacific region, whose remit included Myanmar, told the audience that in response to the violence the company planned to speed up translation of the sites’ user guidelines and code of conduct into Burmese. Garlick also explained how content was reviewed after it was flagged by users who found it to be offensive, though it was unclear how many people fluent in Burmese language were doing this work.
The Burmese language community standards promised by Garlick, however, would not launch until September 2015, 14 months after she spoke in Yangon. And even now, nearly four years later, Facebook will not reveal exactly how many Burmese speakers are evaluating content that has been flagged as possibly violating its standards.
Facebook also had at least two direct warnings before the 2014 riots that hate speech was exploding on the platform and could have real-world consequences.
Aela Callan, a foreign correspondent on a fellowship from Stanford University, met with Elliot Schrage, vice president of global communications for Facebook, in November 2013 to discuss hate speech and fake user pages that were pervasive in Myanmar. Callan returned to the company’s Menlo Park, California, headquarters in early March 2014, after follow-up meetings, with an official from a Myanmar tech civil society organization to again raise the issues with the company and show Facebook “how serious it [hate speech and disinformation] was,” Callan says.
But Facebook’s sprawling bureaucracy and its excitement over the potential of the the Myanmar market appeared to override concerns about the proliferation of hate speech. At the time, the company had just one Burmese speaker based in Dublin, Ireland, to review Burmese language content flagged as problematic, Callan was told.
A spokeswoman for Facebook would say only that the content review team has included Burmese language reviewers since 2013. “It was seen as a connectivity opportunity rather than a big pressing problem,” Callan says. “I think they were more excited about the connectivity opportunity because so many people were using it, rather than the core issues.” Hate speech seemed like a “low priority” for Facebook at the time, she says.
Myanmar was a small but unique market for the company, and Facebook has taken a multi-faceted approach in recent years to better serve users, Garlick says. This includes hiring additional Burmese speakers to review content, improving reporting tools, and “developing local and relevant content” to educate users on how to best use the platform. “We have been working over the years to sort of increase our resourcing and the work that we can do to try to reduce misuse and abuse of our platform and to try to drive the benefit that connectivity can have within the country,” she says.
Mark Zuckerberg testifying before Congress
To critics of the social media company, the early response to the Mandalay riots were harbingers of the difficulties it would face in Myanmar in the coming years—difficulties that persist to this day: A slow response time to posts violating Facebook’s standards, a barebones staff without the capacity to handle hate speech or understand Myanmar’s cultural nuances, an over-reliance on a small collection of local civil society groups to alert the company to possibly dangerous posts spreading on the platform. All of these reflect a decidedly ad-hoc approach for a multi-billion-dollar tech giant that controls so much of popular discourse in the country and across the world.
Today, four years since the riots, Facebook’s role in society is again under intense scrutiny, both in Myanmar and around the world. Myanmar’s military has been accused of rape, arson, and arbitrary killing of Rohingya Muslims during a campaign launched last year after militant attacks on police posts. The UN lambasted Facebook’s conduct in the crisis, which the global body says "bears the hallmarks of genocide,” by serving as a platform for hate speech and disinformation, saying Facebook had "turned into a beast.”
At the same time, Facebook and its founder Mark Zuckerberg are under global pressure for mishandling users’ data and the part the company played in influencing elections, particularly in the the United States. In April, Zuckerberg testified before Congress over two days on a myriad of problems within his company, from Russian agents using the platform to influence the US elections to a lack of data protections.
Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg testifies at a joint hearing of the Senate Judiciary and Commerce committees in April. He told Congress in written testimony that he is "responsible for" not preventing the social media platform from being used for harm, including fake news, foreign interference in elections, and hate speech. TING SHEN/XINHUA/ALAMY

Myanmar came up in the hearings too. Why, the legislators wanted to know, hadn’t the company responded sooner to issues raised there.
Zuckerberg said Facebook had a three-pronged approach to address issues in Myanmar— “dramatically” ramp up its local language content reviewers, take down accounts of individuals and groups that generate hate speech, and introduce products specially designed for the country, though he offered few details on what these would entail.
Zuckerberg’s admission that Facebook needed to improve came too late for some critics who said he failed to adequately take responsibility for what has been a long-term issue. (UPDATE, July 19, 2018: Facebook announced on July 18 that it would expand its efforts to remove material that could incite violence.)
"From at least that Mandalay incident, Facebook knew. There were a few things done in late 2014 and 2015 and there was some effort made to try to understand the issues, but it wasn’t a fraction of what was needed,” says David Madden, a gregarious Australian who in 2014 founded Phandeeyar, a tech-hub in Yangon, the country’s largest city, that helped Facebook launch its Burmese language community standards. “That’s not 20/20 hindsight. The scale of this problem was significant and it was already apparent."
FACEBOOK’S RISE IN popularity in Myanmar came at a time of tremendous political and societal change in the Southeast Asian nation which fueled and enabled the platform’s growth. Myanmar had been ruled since 1962 by successive military regimes that drove the country into political isolation, crippled the economy, oppressed ethnic minorities, and repeatedly put down popular uprisings with deadly force.
A parliamentary election in 2010 was widely criticized as far from free and fair but an important step for the military’s carefully choreographed transition to quasi-civilian rule. Aung San Suu Kyi, the wildly popular opposition leader held by the military under house arrest for some 15 years, was barred from participating. Members of her party, the National League for Democracy, boycotted the vote, in which the majority of seats were won by a military backed party. Aung San Suu Kyi was freed from house arrest six days after ballots were cast.
Thein Sein was sworn in as president of Myanmar in March 2011 for a five-year term. The bespectacled, subdued leader surprised observers by embracing a number of reforms—quickly suspending an unpopular Chinese-backed dam project and, in 2012, dropping heavy-handed censorship of the press. That year, the country was enraptured by a visit from President Barack Obama, the first sitting US President to visit Myanmar. It was a remarkable turn of events given that seven years earlier, the US had labelled the country an “outpost of tyranny,” along with North Korea and Iran, and for years had punished it with harsh economic sanctions. (The last of the sanctions were lifted by the fall of 2016, though one former general has been since been sanctioned for his alleged role in the violence against the Rohingya.)

Barack Obama and Myanmar's President Thein Sein shake hands before the East Asia Summit in Myanmar’s capitol, Naypyitaw, in November 2014. SOE ZEYA TUN/REUTERS

One of Thein Sein’s most significant accomplishments was the liberalization of the country’s closed telecommunications sector, which had long been dominated by a state-owned monopoly. Under that regime, internet connectivity was severely limited and frustratingly slow. The country’s internet penetration was less than 1 percent in 2011 and there were just 1.3 million mobile subscribers, according to the International Telecommunication Union, a United Nations’ agency.
This slowly began to change, and in 2012, mostly in major cities like Yangon and Mandalay, SIM card prices fell to hundreds of dollars from over a thousand, making them slightly more accessible though still out of reach to most. As internet connectivity expanded, so did social media. The state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper declared in 2013 that in Myanmar, “a person without a Facebook identity is like a person without a home address.”
Sonny Swe, the founder of the independent Myanmar Times newspaper who was jailed by the junta, says he was hit by a “digital tsunami” when he was released from prison during an amnesty in April 2013.
He served more than eight years of his 14-year sentence, passing the time by speaking to spiders and other insects that crawled through his cell. “I named them individually and they all become my friends,” he would say later.
Upon his release, he noticed two things—the heavier traffic choking the streets of Yangon and the widespread usage of mobile phones. His son helped him set up a Facebook page days after he was freed in the back of the newspaper’s aging offices.
The digital transformation was poised to accelerate that year, when the government granted licenses to two foreign telecoms providers—Norway’s Telenor and and Qatar’s Ooredoo—ending the state monopoly.
Ambitious connectivity targets included in the license agreements by the government ensured that the country’s internet use would skyrocket in coming years. When Telenor and Ooredoo launched operations in 2014, people queued for hours for SIM cards that cost around a dollar. Mobile shops appeared seemingly overnight hawking cheap Chinese smartphones. The state-run telecom provider, Myanma Posts and Telecommunications, partnered with two Japanese firms the same year, further increasing competition and connectivity.
Mobile penetration leapt to 56 percent by 2015, according to a Deloitte report, with many Burmese accessing the internet for the first time on phones. Today, according to the UN’s International Telecommunication Union, citing official figures, internet access is around 25 percent and mobile penetration around 90 percent. In a recent briefing in Washington, DC, one longtime Myanmar expert described the adoption of Facebook that followed this sudden uptick in connectivity as the fastest in the world.
Predictably, this has all had a huge impact on the distribution of information. Last year, a public opinion survey from the International Republican Institute found that 38 percent of people polled got most, if not all, their news from Facebook. Respondents said that they were most likely to get their news from Facebook rather than newspapers, though radio, relatives and friends, and TV were more popular. There are now an estimated 18 million people who use Facebook in Myanmar, according to the company.
While the positive developments in Myanmar under Thein Sein were noteworthy, tremendous challenges remained. Conflicts between the still-powerful military and a number of ethnic armed groups, some of whom had been battling for greater autonomy for decades, continued or intensified. Land confiscation and human rights violations remained pervasive. Bouts of violence in 2012 between Buddhists and the Rohingya on the country’s west coast added a new obstacle to the country’s precarious path toward a fuller democracy. Tens of thousands of Rohingya were disenfranchised as they languished in ramshackle camps.
During the decades of military rule, the country lacked a free press and the junta operated largely in secret—the military changed the country’s flag and moved the capital with almost no prior warnings—people in Myanmar had spent decades reliant on state-run propaganda newspapers, parsing opaque military announcements for what was really happening. The arrival of Facebook provided a country with severely limited digital literacy a hyper-connected version of the country’s ubiquitous tea shops where people gathered to swap stories, news and gossip.
“Myanmar is a country run by rumors, where people fill in the blanks,” says Derek Mitchell, who served as US Ambassador to Myanmar from 2012 to 2016.
There is a great insecurity and fear among people in Myanmar that unseen powers are working in the shadows to control the levers of power, Mitchell says. The arrival of Facebook provided a platform for these rumors to spread at an alarming rate. “Facebook could have done more to proactively talk about positive speech,” he says, “how to look at things on Facebook to avoid pitfalls, and the dangers of negative speech, put their brand behind a more constructive approach to the platform.”
As hate speech and dubious articles quickly began to surface in volume on Facebook in 2012 and 2013, many targeting Muslims and the Rohingya in particular, the government raised concerns that the site could be used to incite unrest. Some activists and rights groups, however, were not totally convinced of the threat of online hate speech.
In 2013 an official from Human Rights Watch was largely dismissive that Facebook could play a major role in the spread of hate speech. He pointed to pamphlets distributed by monks and ultra-nationalist organizations in rural areas prior to the 2012 violence in Rakhine as a more pernicious vehicle for spreading disinformation.
This skepticism about the risks of Facebook was rooted in part in a fear that the government or military would use hate speech as an excuse to censor or block certain websites that it did not agree with. The fear of web suppression was not unfounded. Myanmar had in the past restricted access to the internet, notably during the 2007 monk-led popular uprising dubbed the “Saffron Revolution,” in an failed attempt to keep news of the demonstrations and subsequent crackdown from leaking out.
“The answer to bad speech, is more speech. More communication, more voices,” Google Executive Chairman Eric Schmidt said in Yangon in March 2013. The Myanmar public was, “in for the ride of your life right now,” he added in the speech that was a gleeful take on the positives Myanmar would reap from its technological and telecoms liberation.
IN EARLY 2015, in collaboration with local tech civil society groups, Facebook made a set of digital stickers available on the messenger platform. The stickers were part of the broader “Panzagar” campaign, “flower speech” in English, launched by activists, including former political prisoners, to counter hate speech and promote online inclusion. While the project gained considerable media attention, some critics said it still failed to address the underlying issues on Facebook. “People gave [Facebook] a lot of credit for that, but it seemed to be the smallest gesture to be made,” says a former US tech company official who worked extensively in Myanmar. “People died, but now you can use this digital sticker.”
That year, a collection of civil society groups also began working with Facebook to flag dangerous posts and misinformation on the platform, hoping to speed up the removal time for content that could fuel violence, according to three people involved in the effort who asked not to be named because of the sensitive nature of the work.
This emergency escalation system, which still operates in largely the same manner, relies on a small group of individuals finding potentially dangerous posts, contacting Facebook officials, often times Garlick, who then expedite the referral of the content to a moderation team for review and potential removal.
Garlick declined to comment on the group’s work citing security concerns.
But the process lacks scalability and is not efficient, those involved say. In one case in late November 2017, it took three days from initial flagging of a post threatening a prominent journalist to its removal, by which time it had been copied and shared numerous times. The journalist, fearing for their safety, left the country that month and has not returned. “Facebook wasn’t staffed to deal with a crisis and it sounds like they still aren’t,” the former US tech official says. “All internet companies are like this to some degree, but especially Facebook because it is so leanly staffed on the government relations side. They are engineering companies and they don’t like spending money where there is not a clear [return on investment].”
Madden, the tech hub founder, flew to California in May 2015 to speak to Facebook executives about Myanmar’s massive growth in online users and the rise of Buddhist nationalism, he also delivered a stark message to Facebook. In a lengthy presentation to company officials, he said Facebook risked being a platform used to foment widespread violence, akin to the way radio broadcasts were used to incite killings during the Rwandan genocide.
“A small collection of civil society groups is not going to solve this problem,” says Madden, who now serves as Phandeeyar’s president. “This is where the culpability comes in, this was made clear at numerous points along the way. The volume of hate speech required serious product changes. This was clear well before 2017.”
It was not just domestic groups who were raising concerns. C4ADS, a Washington-based nonprofit that has worked with firms like data company Palantir, released an exhaustive report detailing hate speech trends and its facilitators in February 2016. By analyzing the Facebook accounts of 100 monks, politicians, activists, government officials, and laypeople, the group found what it described as a “campaign of hate speech that actively dehumanizes Muslims.”

People and Buddhist monks protest the arrival of a Malaysian NGO's aid ship carrying food and emergency supplies for Rohingya Muslims. SOE ZEYA TUN/REUTERS

Monks and protesters in Yangon, Myanmar, shout during a March 2015 march to denounce foreign criticism of the country's treatment of stateless Rohingya Muslims. AUBREY BELFORD/REUTERS

In addition to posts, researchers found that “crude and dehumanizing anti-Muslim imagery and language is regularly woven into ‘memes’” including widely shared ones portraying bestiality aimed at Muslims and the “Prophet Muhammed being orally penetrated.”
Still Facebook pressed on with Myanmar expansion, launching in June 2016 its Free Basics program with Myanma Post and Telecommunications, despite huge issues with the program in neighboring India. The service, which was never adopted by Telenor or Oooredoo, was quietly shuttered in Myanmar due to government regulation changes the following year.
Madden says he met again with Facebook officials in January 2017 as did two other people familiar with the gathering, which took place in Menlo Park. The meeting was born in large part out of continued disappointment with the company’s inability to quickly address hate speech. There was also mounting frustration over Facebook’s stubborn resistance to sharing information with the civil society groups they relied so heavily on, like the number of people working on Burmese language content monitoring. “We were very prescriptive,” says Madden, who described one slide in the presentation as simply a picture of a large question mark meant to highlight Facebook’s lack of transparency.
Garlick acknowledges that the company has been “too slow,” to respond to issues raised by civil society groups. “There is more we need to do and we will continue to work with civil society groups in Myanmar to listen, learn, and make progress,” she says.
Still, the company continued its work with seemingly little local input. One of its most public stumbles came four months after the meeting in May, when it began to remove posts and suspend users for posts including the term “kalar,” a Burmese word often used as a slur for people of South Asian origin. The word, however, is also used in other non-offensive phrases like “kalar pae,” lentil beans, or “kala-awe thee” a type of particularly spicy chili.
While well intentioned, the process showed a profound lack of familiarity with the Burmese language and the context of language use. It also angered members of the tech community helping flag dangerous content, because they were blamed by upset users for the policy, though they were not involved with the initiative and were unaware that it would start.
“We’ve had trouble enforcing this policy correctly recently, mainly due to the challenges of understanding the context; after further examination, we’ve been able to get it right. But we expect this to be a long-term challenge,” Richard Allen, a Facebook vice president of public policy wrote in a post on the company’s website.
A person with knowledge of Facebook’s Myanmar operations was decidedly more direct than Allen, calling the roll out of the initiative “pretty fucking stupid.”
LYDIA ORTIZ/PATRICK RAFANAN
MISLEADING FACEBOOK POSTS continue to trigger confusion, threats of violence, and government overreach in Myanmar. Consider the case of journalist and translator Aung Naing Soe, who in November 2016 was targeted online after users began circulating a picture they claimed showed him standing with members of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. The militant group attacked police posts in October 2016 and again in August 2017, sparking the massive campaign against the Rohingya that has driven hundreds of thousands to neighboring Bangladesh. (Disclosure: Aung Naing Soe was my translator for an article I wrote, which was published by the NewYorker.com in April.)

Aung Naing Soe was not in the photo, and it took several attempts and flags for Facebook to finally remove the post. Copies of it still circulate on the platform. Other posts targeted his religion and work as a journalist. Vermont’s Democratic Senator Patrick Leahy raised the case during Zuckerberg’s testimony in April: One post aimed at Aung Naing Soe, he said, “calls for the death of a Muslim journalist. Now, that threat went straight through your detection systems, it spread very quickly, and then it took attempt after attempt after attempt, and the involvement of civil society groups, to get you to remove it. Why couldn't it be removed within 24 hours?”
Zuckerberg responded that what was happening in Myanmar was a “terrible tragedy, and we need to do more,” before Leahy tersely interjected, “We all agree with that.” Zuckerberg then laid out his three fixes for the company’s Myanmar operations.
In an interview, Aung Naing Soe says he was approached by a member of Special Branch, a notorious intelligence unit of the Myanmar Police Force, who questioned him about the false accusation of being a member of ARSA, which, in the time it was on Facebook, was widely shared including by a former member of parliament. For the next two months, whenever he travelled outside of Yangon, he had to inform the officer where he was going, he says.
Not that the increased government scrutiny deterred Aung Naing Soe from pursuing his work as a journalist. He was arrested in late October 2017 along with two foreign journalists working for Turkey’s state broadcaster for flying a drone near parliament on a reporting trip. The group pleaded guilty and were held for two months in jail before the case was dropped. Aung Naing Soe says that while the other journalists were only questioned for a few days, he was interrogated for 11 or 12 days because of the Facebook posts.
If the intentions of the police were to deter Aung Naing Soe from reporting, they didn’t work. He quickly returned to covering protests and jailings of other journalists while doling out cigarettes to fellow reporters in the informal Yangon press corps. He has become an outspoken advocate for media freedom, even joking about his stint in jail. “The good part of being arrested is this problem is officially solved,” he says with a laugh. “Police have an official record that I’m not part of the group.”
Civil society groups and researchers say that Aung Naing Soe’s experience—particularly the vehemence of attacks against him on Facebook—was not unique. Raymond Serrato, a digital researcher and analyst who has tracked hate speech and bots related to Myanmar, found a huge uptick in hate speech on Facebook as the Rohingya crisis unfolded last October. Anti-Rohingya groups saw a 200 percent increase in activity. Many of the posts, he says, compared Muslims to dogs or other animals. “There was a lot of dehumanization,” he says. “A lot of mutilated bodies.”
If Facebook did not see the pages, it is because they “didn’t know where to look,” he says. “It is clear they don’t know about the ethnic and social politics in the countries” that they operate in.
Meanwhile, the Myanmar government and military have been among the most adept and sophisticated users of Facebook, using the platform to put out their own narrative of the Rohingya crisis. The office of the Commander-in-Chief in March posted photos of dismembered children and dead babies, claiming they were attacked by Rohingya terrorists, to counter British MPs, who were sharply critical of the country’s handling of the Rohingya crisis.
Zaw Htay, the government spokesman, has used the platform on numerous occasions to share debunked photos purporting to show Rohingya burning their own homes and derided claims of sexual violence by soldiers as “fake rape.” In the past, he often used a Facebook page with the pseudonym “Hmuu Zaw.”
A former senior government official said Zaw Htay was the “focal person,” of Facebook’s dealings with the country’s government. The relationship that Facebook has with the Zaw Htay, a retired Army officer, was described as “problematic,” according to the person with knowledge of the company’s work in Myanmar.
Zaw Htay did not respond to requests for comment about his controversial posts. Facebook’s policy toward prohibited content applies to all users, including government officials, Garlick says.
THE CONTINUED FRUSTRATIONS faced by civil society groups, tech organizations, and those at the receiving end of harassment on Facebook burst into public view this spring in the wake of an incident involving the detection and removal of yet more disinformation.
During an interview with the website Vox in early April, Zuckerberg claimed the the company had found chain letters that were widely shared across the country on Facebook messenger starting in early September. One message warned Buddhist groups about an imminent attack by Muslims on September 11. The the other warned of violence from Buddhist nationalists toward Muslims on the same date.
In Zuckerberg’s retelling of events, he got a call on a Saturday morning that there were messages stoking violence spreading through Facebook Messenger. “Now, in that case, our systems detect that that’s going on. We stop those messages from going through,” he said.
Civil society groups were caught off guard and angered by Zuckerberg’s characterization that Facebook’s systems had detected the messages, which differed greatly from theirs.
In reality, they say, it was their members who had found the messages, alerted Facebook, and waited days for a response. The messages, the groups say, lead to at least three violent incidents, including the attempted torching of an Islamic school and the ransacking of shops and houses belonging to Muslims in a town in central Myanmar.
A group of six civil society organizations said in a scathing open letter to Zuckerberg that the messenger incident showed an “over-reliance on third parties, a lack of a proper mechanism for emergency escalation, a reticence to engage local stakeholders around systemic solutions, and a lack of transparency.”
Zuckerberg later apologized by email for “not being sufficiently clear” about the role that civil society groups play in monitoring content, according to a copy of the email published by the New York Times. He added the company has hired “dozens more Burmese language reviewers,” a refrain that has become so common it is now a running joke in Myanmar tech circles.
The company, however, has failed to provide details about these monitors. Garlick declined to provide a specific number of Burmese language content reviewers, saying only that the number had increased over the years and that the company employs “dozens of reviewers now, and we are aiming to double that by the year’s end.”
The company will say that is has more than 7,500 content reviewers working in over 50 languages. Asked if the company had reviewers proficient in the other languages besides Burmese that are used widely in Myanmar, a spokeswoman said only that when content is reported that is not in one of the languages covered by the company, Facebook works with people familiar with the language to determine if the content violates standards. A list of languages that the content reviewers do work in was not available, the spokeswoman said.
In recent months, Facebook has taken some important steps and has acknowledged that the company can do more. In February, the company banned Wirathu, the radical monk who helped instigate the Mandalay riots. Following the pushback from civil society groups, it has taken down pages of other nationalist organizations and monks, removing major sources of hate speech and misinformation. Facebook recently posted ads for Myanmar-focused jobs, including a public policy manager, specifying that fluency in Burmese and an understanding “of the Myanmar political system” were essential skills for the Singapore-based job.
It has also rolled out tools to report content on Facebook Messenger and is exploring the possibility of using AI to identify hateful content faster, a spokeswoman says. Business for Social Responsibility, a California based nonprofit organization, will soon begin a human rights impact assessment of Facebook’s role in Myanmar that will be made public when it is completed.
Still the secrecy around Facebook’s operations persists. In written responses to follow-up questions from Senator Leahy, the company stuck to the familiar, evasive line. When asked specifically about the number of Burmese language speakers monitoring content the company said only that it “added dozens more Burmese language reviewers to handle reports from users across our services, and we plan to more than double the number of content reviewers focused on user reports.”
When asked about Aung Naing Soe’s post and why it took so long for Facebook to remove it, the company said it was “unable to respond without further information on these Pages.”
While the print-outs of the posts used by Senator Leahy were blurred to protect his identity the fact that it was Aung Naing Soe was hardly a secret. He has spoken openly to the media about his experience and was identified widely on social media. He said that no representative from the company had been in touch with him regarding the incident.
Last month, a large delegation of Facebook officials made a high-profile trip to Myanmar. Lead by Simon Milner, Vice President of Public Policy for Asia-Pacific, the group met with the Ministry of Information, which suggested the company open an office in Myanmar, according to a state-media report on the meeting. A spokeswoman for Facebook said the company currently has no plans to open an office in the country and is capable of working around the clock by having teams working on Myanmar located in different time zones.
The trip, which also included meetings with civil society groups, was meant to express the company’s “deep commitment to keeping the millions of people who use Facebook in Myanmar safe on our services,” Garlick says.
But among Myanmar observers and experts, there are already concerns about the role Facebook could play in the country’s 2020 elections. The population will be more connected than it was five years prior. The wars that have riled the country for decades show no signs of abating, and vitriol against the Rohingya continues even as the country makes preparations for their return. There is deep skepticism that the current attention will push Facebook to meaningfully address the problems in Myanmar.
"When the media spotlight has been on there has been talk of changes, but after it passes are we actually going to see significant action?”Madden asks. “That is an open question. The historical record is not encouraging."
UPDATE: This article has been revised to include Facebook's announcement that it will expand its efforts to remove material that could incite violence.

Twitter Relents

My thanks to the hundreds of Twitter supporters who tweeted in protest of the company blocking my account for the past five days.  My special thanks to Ali Abunimah, who contacted the Twitter’s media team inquiring about my situation.  This morning the company restored my account and I’m back in business.  Ali sprang me from Twitter jail! This proves what I’ve claimed all along: that decisions like suspensions are mostly based on automated settings.  If a certain number of users flag your account it will be suspended no matter what content you published.  In other words, it has little or nothing to do with the actual content.  I’ll bet if 1,000 users reported a Twitter account for a picture of a ham sandwich it would be suspended.
Once suspended the only means to remove the suspension (short of enduring the entire “sentence”) is if you are a celebrity or well-known public figure who can muster a viral campaign; or if the media gets interested.  Once that happens Twitter will take the course of least resistance and relent, unless there is a significant down-side in doing so (i.e. Alex Jones, for example).
Death threat sent as a message to this website
I’m very grateful to Ali for his solidarity in this matter.
Now back to raising hell and showing these pro-Israel goons to be what they are.  Funny, some people are touchy about such language.  At the r/Israel_Palestine subreddit, one of the pro-Israel mods deleted my post about this experience because the word “goon” was deemed ‘uncivil.’ Funny how calling settlers who kill Palestinians (or justify their killing) by their proper name is not permitted in “polite society,” while criticism of the acts themselves is censored.
But how else would you describe this?

Tony Greenstein’s Blog Will Be Shortly Transferring to a New Site

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The Old Site Will Be Preserved Intact

Dear Readers,
The Jewish Chronicle reported how the Zionist Board of Deputies got Medium to Censor and Delete my  Blog Because They Didn't Like the Truth


I am in the process of transferring my blog to my own website from Blogspot. The old blog will not be deleted but hopefully all the old posts will be transferred to the new site.
However there are, at present, 2646 posts built up over more than a decade and it is a mammoth undertaking.
The Zionists are shameless in trying to censor any version of events that contradict them
Why have I decided to set up on my own website?  Because recently my blog on Medium, which had been there for over a year, was removedafter the Zionist Board of Deputies complained at my reporting of how their ‘anti-racist’ demonstration in Manchester was organised by a group, NW Friends of Israel who have worked with the EDL and now Tommy Robinson.
Being an unaccountable corporation Medium simply removed my blog.  They had previously deleted a post which named 30 Zionist  fascists because they held that fascists should not be targeted.
Twitter suspended my account because they didn't like this photo of Ahed Tamimi as a child having her arm twisted by an oh so brave Zionist thug in uniform
It is proving more expensive than I thought – not only having to pay for the domain name, the hosting site and extra storage because of the size of the posts but and also to get the web site itself designed. The total cost will be at least £1,000 so although I have never appealed for money before anyone who does appreciate this blog and the work that goes into it is encouraged to send a contribution towards the cost via my paypal which is tonygreenstein111@gmail.com
In the interim I will be blogging less often, not least because I have a major hearing in my libel case against the Campaign Against Anti-Semitism on February 14th.
Tony Greenstein

What kind of State blackmails people – no hospital treatment if your relatives don’t ‘return’ to Gaza?

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Israel’s sick morality – it’s a crime for Palestinians to move to the West Bank and we will punish your sick relatives for it

Nothing Israel does should be of any surprise. The small, petty cruelties such as denying people essential medical treatment because their relatives have refused to return from the West Bank to Gaza.
You see it is ‘illegal’ for Palestinians from Gaza to reside in the West Bank (‘Judea and Samaria’) but it’s not illegal for settlers, who live on stolen land, to do so.

continued

Banned by Facebook for Stating the Truth – Israel’s Use of DNA to ‘prove’ who is a Jew is exactly the same as Hitler’s Belief that Jews were a Race

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When the Zionists say Jump, Facebook asks ‘how high’ – FB’s contempt for Free Speech on Zionism Mirrors Its Complicity in Aiding Genocide in Myanmar



It all started with an article in Israel’s liberal daily, Ha’aretz by Judith Maltz headed Israeli Rabbinate Accused of Using DNA Testing to Prove Jewishnessthe subheadline spelt it out:'It is really terrifying thinking where this could lead,' advocate warns. 'Judaism is not about race and blood, as our worst enemies have claimed’.

Now who dear reader claimed that being Jewish was a matter of race and blood, blut and boden, not religion if not the Nazis and assorted anti-Semites in the Europe of the 1930’s. This was what led to the obscenity of ‘Christian Jews’ – Christian converts who nonetheless were racially Jewish and who also went to the gas chamber. It is no surprise that Israel is now heading down this same path.

Bloomberg

In a settler colonial society, it is important to decide who is part of the  herren volk and who is part of the untermenschen.
The backdrop to this is that there are an estimated 400,000 half-Jews in Israel, mainly from Russia. They were eligible to enter Israel under the 1950 Law of Return, as amended in 1970, since anyone whose partner or even a grandparent is Jewish is considered Jewish for the purposes of immigration.
However Israel’s Chief Rabbinate were not happy with the large number of Christians amongst the Russian immigrants. Under Soviet society Jews married out. The rabbis are the guardians of racial purity, a task given to them by David Ben Gurion in the 1949 Labour Zionist government. It is the rabbis who determined who is and who is not really Jewish for the purpose of birth, marriage and death.
This is important in Israel since only Jews can marry Jews. There is no civil marriage in Israel because the policy of Zionism is to keep the Jewish race pure. You cannot have half Jews upsetting the racial mix.
This concern with people who are half-Jewish also has its antecedents in the Nazi obsession with race. The Wannsee Conference of 1942 spent more time on the ‘mixed-race’ Jews, Mischlinge than on the Final Solution.
The question of the mischlinge was a ‘problem’ that bedevilled the Nazi race scientists. What to do with Jews who had one or two Jewish grandparents. In the end most of them survived because such people had sunk roots, had children etc. and Hitler didn’t want anything upsetting his racial paradise. Israel also has this problem of mixed-race Jews.
MK Ksenia Svetlova from the Israeli Labour Party has proposeda solution. Create a new nationality. In Israel there are a few hundred ‘nationalities’ but only one that matters – Jewish.  Israel is unique  in not having its own nationality because it isn’t a state of its own citizens.  So the half- Jews, who are not ‘proper’ Jews, would have a second class Jewish nationality which would make them better than the Arabs but second rate Jews nonetheless.  It would also mean they couldn’t marry pure Jews (unless they flew to Cyprus).  In Israel if you are not classified as a Jewish national, your nationality is the country you came from, which is somewhat absurd if your children, who were born in Israel are classified as Russian.
The comparison with Nazi Germany is obvious to everyone except to the stupid censors that Facebook employs to police its ‘community standards’ (itself an Orwellian term straight from the pages of Big Brother).
Ha’aretz quotedElad Caplan, the director of an immigrant advocacy center ITIM that
“It is really terrifying thinking where this could lead. Judaism is about belonging and community – it’s not about race and blood, as our worst enemies have claimed.”
Now who dear reader were our worst enemies (apart from the Palestinians that is?).  The allusion to Hitler is so obvious that even the thickest Facebook censor should get it.
Batya Ungar-Sargon, the Opinion Editor for America’s Jewish Forward followed up with an article ‘Israeli Rabbis Are Using DNA Testing To Police Civil Rights. This Shouldn’t Shock  And in a society based on Jewish racial supremacy it shouldn’t shock you.  Batya quite correctly wrote that ‘where ethno-nationalism goes, there follows the policing of bloodlines, of who is in and who is out, who is us and who is them.’
Where she goes wrong is in suggesting that Israel ‘has increasingly been departing from the secular, expansive Zionist dreams of its founders. On the contrary it was these secular Labour Zionists who laid the basis for everything that followed.  It was they who established an ethno-nationalist state.  It was they who put the rabbis in charge and refused to have civil marriage. It was they who condemned mixed marriages, described by former Israeli Labour Party leader Israel Herzog recently as ‘a plague’.
But all this is too much for Facebook’s puerile censors. When I drew the obvious conclusions to testing for being Jewish via DNA they took exception. I imagine some Zionist, took umbrage at my daring to say that the Emperor has no clothes. Since Zios are usually unable to actually argue the case they resort to censorship and FB is always happy to oblige.
So in the early hours of yesterday I got an email message about my ‘removed post’.  And sure enough, when I went to my FB accounts I saw a message that ‘this goes against our Community standards’ Presumably those same community standards which don’t prevent the theft of personal information and the distribution of material inciting murder in Burma to say nothing of fake news. All this is acceptable but should a Zio take offence then that is a serious matter!
In Israel Facebook is little more than a stool pigeon for the security services.  It is an enemy of the Palestinians and freedom.  Zionists are free to abuse Palestinians but the latter are censored as a matter of course.
So when I said that the ‘Jewish’ state has achieved what Adolf could only dream of then that is impermissible. It’s not wrong you understand but some things should not be said – all in the name of ‘community standards’
Equally abhorren was my post to a friend Rebecca Massey saying that ‘Adolf must be turning in his grave thinking how much better things would have been if he had such tools’ as DNA to ‘prove’ who was Jewish. But it is a fact that the Nazis would have loved a scientific way of proving who was Jewish rather than to have to rely on measurements on peoples’ craniums etc.
For those in any doubt about whether there is a Jewish ‘race’ the following article ‘Jews a Race’ Genetic Theory Comes Under Fierce Attack by DNA Expert should set your mind to rest about Jewish genes and such nonsense. However to Israel’s rabbinical racial scientists being Jewish is not so much a religion as a race.  And the idiots who moderate Facebook, understanding nothing of this, effectively are policing what we are allowed to say.
No end of Holocaust denial nonsense is allowed on Facebook.  This is an official policy but offending Zionists is forbidden by these idiots.
I have been banned for 30  days.  I will live with it but Facebook should not be allowed to get away with this outrage.  Please share and distribute this post widely so that these bastards don’t get away with censorship on behalf of the Israeli state.
Tony Greenstein



Why are Labour’s MPs So Concerned About ‘Anti-Semitism’ When They Have Nothing to Say About the Deportation of Black People to the West Indies?

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WE NEED TO DESELECT LABOUR's RACIST MPs Those who attacked Jenny Formby last Monday were the same ones who supported May’s ‘hostile environment’ policy and the Windrush Scandal



 John Barnes Outburst on Racist Hypocrisy


You really couldn’t make it up.  Labour’s racist MPs, led by Tom Watson, whose favourite song (Am Yisrael Chai) is the Horst Wessel of Israel settlers, were in full dudgeon on Monday night. These racist rats were up in arms about ‘anti-Semitism’.  Not the anti-Semitism you and me understand, hatred or hostility to Jews, but criticism of Israel, the Apartheid Jewish state. 


Deportation Flight

Luciana Berger's Labour Friends of Israel said that the victims must accept responsibility for their own deaths - not Israel of course

Their complaint was that Labour was no longer expelling people at the drop of a hat under the former witch-finder general Maggi Cosins of Labour First.
Jennie Formby, Labour’s General Secretary had been summoned to the meeting, to explain why ‘anti-Semites’ hadn’t been expelled and they wanted to know the details (these fools don’t understand such niceties as Data Protection Regulations).
The JLM repeatedly claims that it represents the Jewish Community - what they are saying is that most Jews are racists like them
The tiny Jewish Labour Movement claims it represents the Jewish Community - is it any wonder people are fooled by these racists?
Labour Against the Witchhunt gives its support to Jim Sheridan
Once case particularly exercised them, that of former MP Jim Sheridan.  Jim had tweeted that despite his ‘respect and empathy for the Jewish community and their historic suffering’ this is no longer the case due to their Blairite plotting etc. At which point the heavens fell in.  How dare he attribute to all Jews the sins of only a few etc. It might be a fair point if this was not exactly what the Zionists do.
Jim Sheridan's mistaken comments but who was responsible for them
The twitter site of the Jewish Labour Movement states that it is ‘the Jewish community in the Labour Party.’ Not part of the Jewish community, not its Zionist component, all of the Jewish community. When Zionists regularly claim to represent all Jews is it any wonder that some people blame Jews for what Israel does rather than Zionists?
Luciana Berger is hated by her own constituents
A badly drafted motion was apparently approved by MPs without discussion by acclaim. It can be found here. It’s not necessary to rehearse the arguments about the fake anti-Semitism witchhunt.  The mere fact that Black anti-racist campaigner Marc Wadsworth, Cyril Chilson the child of parents who survived Nazi concentration camps and myself were expelled should tell you all you need to know about who the real targets of the ‘anti-Semitism’ campaign were.  Not anti-Semites but Jewish and anti-racists opponents.
Labour MPs at their weekly meeting
Up before the witchhunters in March is Jackie Walker, the Black-Jewish anti-racist who is a prime target of Labour’s racist MPs. She has already been stabbed in the back by Momentum’s fuhrer Jon Lansman and I suspect that the JLM is already preparing white hoods for a march on the hearing as they did with Marc Wadsworth.
A good account of the meeting can be found here.
Luciana Berger is one of the most prominent Labour Zionists.  An officer with the JLM and Labour Friends of Israel she has never, not once, opposed the actions or policies of the Israeli state.  When Labour Friends of Israel last year supported the murder of unarmed Palestinian demonstrators she gave her support.  Luciana supports a Jewish state that explicitly discriminates against those who are not seen as part of the national collective.
Much has been made of the ‘abuse’ that Luciana Berger has received.  She has never revealed what this a ‘abuse’ consists of but her fellow Zionist, Ruth Smeeth read out 10 examples of emails she received. ALL of them were about her support of the Zionists.  Only one of them was anti-Semitic.
We can assume the same is true of Berger.  No doubt a few messages she has received are anti-Semitic but that should be seen in the context of Luciana Berger’s own vile racism. If you claim you represent Jews then unfortunately some people will be fooled. Most of her ‘abuse’ is nothing more than criticism of her support of the Apartheid regime in Tel Aviv. Of course any anti-Semitic abuse of Berger is deplorable but she has brought it on herself with her own vile racism.  Luciana Berger does not merit any sympathy.  The only thing she suffers from is self-victimhood. She is a pinup hero for every vile racist newspaper in Britain, from the Sun to the Mail.
The Time Has Come To Deselect Luciana Berger and the Other Racist Rats Who Support Her
Yet at the same time as Labour MPs were working themselves up about ‘anti-Semitism’ there was real racism – the deportation of up to 50 Black people who had committed offences in this country, many minor but irrelevant because they have been living here often since childhood.  This is the racist outrage that Labour’s racist MPs chose to ignore so let’s just spell it out:
Jewish People in this County Do NOT Suffer From State Racism
Jews are not subject to deportation like Black people.
Jewish people do not suffer police violence.
Jewish people do not experience Police Stop and Search
Jewish people do not suffer economic discrimination.  No one suffers because they are Jewish, quite the contrary the Jewish community is richer and more privileged than the White community as a whole
Jews are not underrepresented in Parliament, quite the contrary they have always been over represented.
Jews do not suffer racist attacks with the sole exception of Jews who are visibly distinct i.e. Haredi and Ultra Orthodox Jews.  Ironically they were the one group that John Mann’s atrocious Select Committee Report on Anti-Semitism in 2016 ignored. They are also the one community, 29 of whose rabbis condemnedthe Board of Deputies for speaking on behalf of all Jews in their attacks on Corbyn. The British media managed not to report the statement of these rabbis!  Can’t imagine why? 
ZITA HOLBOURNE
LONDON, ENG, United Kingdom
7 Feb 2019 — 
Dear Supporter
Late last night , those detained at various Immigration Removal Centres were woken abruptly & brutally  in their cells & taken on the long drive in several vans to Birmingham airport.
One of those taken Twane Morgan, Who we are running a specific campaign for, was successful in getting a high court injunction yesterday afternoon removing him from the flight so it was a shock to him to be awoken by 6  armed officials in riot gear barging into his cell & snatching him out of his sleep. He then had to call and wake his legal team as he was already being transported cuffed to an escort.
I received an alarming call from his partner informing me 'they've taken him' and was able to speak to him via the phone of the escort he was cuffed to.
Prior to this I received an alarming messsge of a 22 year old man with PTSD  who was cutting his wrists observed by guards and that when 999 was called they advised that they have no jurisdiction to send an ambulance to a detention centre which I and others believe to be a breach of human rights and right to life.
He was subsequently apprehended and instead of considering his physical & psychological health & injury meant he was not fit to be deported and taken to hospital he was taken to the plane. I understand that he  and others made applications for asylum on the journey to the airport and were successful in being taken off the flight. 
On the journey those being deported are cuffed to an escort, have no phone and are dependant on emergency & last minute calls to loved ones through the escort. 
 Poor Twane's partner has planned to travel to take his children to say their final goodbyes last evening but when they got the good news he would not be taken this was not necessary so the period of approx 5 hours through the night was mental torture for Twane & his loved ones.
Twane was placed on the plane, strapped into his seat cuffed to security guards on either side before he got the news for second time that he would not be removed and was taken of flight.
The  Home Office said that 50 were to be deported describing them as hardened criminals guilty of very serious crimes but the details we have seen about those being deported or from conversations with them & their families is different. 
If their crimes were so serious that they were a danger as suggested by government then how were 21 removed at the last minute?
The fact that they were removed & at such a late stage illustrates how wrong charter flights are, snatching people & puttng them on a flight without allowing them tthe required time to get legal representation, prepare cases and lodge appeals is wrong & irresponsible. It opens the doors for  mistakes which have devestating adverse impacts on lives. Around 40 children were to be denied a parent through this flight with no regard for their rights either.
I received hearbreaking messages from loved ones of those being taken last night.
The Titan Airways flight was scheduled to depart at 7.30am, but actually took off at 8.16am (footage attached).
It's important that we continue to campaign against these deportations and whilst this petition was originally launched last year but now that the government have started these deportation flights again , we have the support for it of an umbrella group that BARAC UK is part of, BAME Lawyers for Justice.
Please help us grow this petition and the call to end this hostile & brutal act.
 Regards
 Zita

In Office But Not in Power – Jeremy Corbyn seems to have become Tom Watson’s Understudy

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Luciana Berger is not a victim of abuse – she is a racist Zionist and a manipulator Corbyn should Stop Appeasing his Enemies and start Defending his Friends

In a report Rebel Labour MPs set to quit party and form centre groupin the Guardian on February 2nd we learnt that
‘three of the MPs widely rumoured to be involved in the plans for an initial breakaway – Angela Smith, Chris Leslie and Luciana Berger – refused to be drawn into talk of a split, and insisted they were focused on opposing Brexit. But they did not deny that moves could be made by the spring or early summer.’
Unsurprisingly, given that she was unable to bring herself to say that she supported the Leader of the Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister and given that her name has been repeatedly associated with talk of a split, coupled with her refusal to deny these allegations, members of Wavertree Labour Party decided that they would go about initiating the process of finding a socialist to become their next MP.
Two members of Wavertree therefore decided to submit motions of no confidence in an MP who prefers Theresa May to Jeremy Corbyn.
Luciana Berger despite having been Director of Labour Friends of Israel for 3 years prior to becoming an MP and who is currently Parliamentary Chair of the Jewish Labour Movement, which is the ‘sister party’ of the racist Israeli Labour Party, working closely with the Israeli Embassy, she has managed to portray herself as the victim of abuse and anti-Semitism.
Berger has been the recipient of three verifiable anti-Semitic attacks on social media, the perpetrators of which have been gaoled. Most anti-fascists to say nothing of Black and Asian people find themselves on the receiving end of far worse fascist and racist abuse without being portrayed as media heroes or receiving police protection.
What Tom Watson is saying is that someone threatening to split the Labour Party should be immune from criticism - and Corbyn doesn't have the bottle to slap Watson down
Any anti-Semitic abuse is to be condemned but it is noticeable that the Labour MP who has been on the receiving end of thousands of racially abusive messages, Diane Abbott, is also the target of media vilification and abuse, such as that which she receivedfrom Fiona Bruce on Question Time.
Given Berger’s inability to demonstrate an ounce of loyalty to him, Corbyn’s support for her is a remarkably stupid and self-defeating act of cowardice. According to the GuardianA no-confidence motion in Berger was withdrawn following pressure from an evidently panicked leader’s office.Hapless and hopeless are just some of the adjectives that come to mind. The most obvious question to ask is whether or not Corbyn wants to be Prime Minister?
Luciana Berger has spent her lifetime playing the victim card.  She resignedfrom the National Union of Students Executive in 2005 ‘because of a continued apathy within the National Union of Students to Jewish student suffering.’ One thing is clear.  Unlike her victims Luciana Berger has never suffered anything.
All this was the cue for Tom Watson to callfor the suspension of Liverpool Wavertree CLP. He alleged that Berger was being “bullied” and that local members were “bringing our party into disrepute". Since when is a party exercising its democratic rights ‘bullying’?  According to Watson, despite Jennie Formby saying that ‘there was no constitutional basis’ for such a suspension, Watson told the BBC’s Andrew Marr Show that individuals were being investigated and that there were "grounds for suspension".
What is the crime that is being alleged. A party member ‘branded Ms Berger a "disruptive Zionist".’ How is that anti-Semitic? The Labour Friends of Israel and JLM are overtly Zionist groups.  Can anyone seriously deny that Ms Berger is disruptive and disloyal to the Labour Party?  Where is the offence in telling the truth?
Naturally the right-wing in the PLP gathered round Berger like flies around a honey pot. Shadow Health Secretary Jon Ashworth told Sky News that “I’m such a big fan of Luciana Berger,"Given her rank disloyalty to Corbyn the obvious question is why Ashworth hasn’t been given responsibility for garbage disposal since he clearly has a considerable amount of his own to get rid of.
According to Ashworth “She’s stood up against anti-Semitism her whole political life, she’s got my full support.’ That is precisely what she has not done.  She has stood up for Israel all her life.  Not once has she condemned any aspect of Israel’s harsh rule over the Palestinians.  Not one word of criticism was uttered when last summer Israeli snipers casually dispatched hundreds of unarmed Palestinian demonstrators to their deaths. The woman is a racist warmonger.
Luciana Berger is an obnoxious, whinging, self-pitying narcissist who should have been removed from the Labour Party years ago.
‘Luciana Berger is an obnoxious, whinging, self-pitying narcissist’
Naturally war criminal, Tony Blair, leapt to her defence, describing Berger’s treatment as “shameful”. Blair declared that “I think what Tom’s saying is absolutely right, I back him 100% on it,”.Which is proof that Corbyn should have slapped Watson down.
All of this is happening because Corbyn didn’t stand up to the false allegations of anti-Semitism when they were first made. Many of them were made against himself.  Instead, thanks to the useless advice of his Stalinist advisors, in particular Seamus Milne, Corbyn has repeatedly apologised thus adding fuel to the Zionist fire.
The first rule in politics is that the best form of defence is attack. Instead of attacking the shameful record of support for Israel of his detractors he allowed them to get the upper hand. Every time he apologised they came back for more.
To make matters worse Corbyn played ‘me too’ when Theresa May adopted the IHRA ‘definition’ of anti-Semitism. That too came back to bite him when he had bothered to actually read the thing. Instead of seeking to strengthen the Left in the PLP Corbyn has surrounded himself with rattlesnakes like Watson who should have been challenged for the Deputy Leadership last year.
Berger has been one of the main proponents of the false anti-Semitism smears which led to my expulsion and that of other Jewish anti-Zionists.  To them ‘anti-Semitism’ is support for the Palestinians and opposition to the world’s most racist state.
According to Berger ‘"My values remain the same as they did when I was first elected.’ That is precisely the problem. Her values are no different from the Tories.
In Labour investigates Liverpool members over 'bullying' of Luciana BergerTom Watson toldthe Andrew Marr show that Corbyn had “made it clear these things are not done in his name” and they “are not helping him, they are harming the reputation of the Labour party”. If true then it is almost as if Corbyn has a death wish.
It was an article of faith when the Labour Left was led by Tony Benn that constituency parties should have the right to deselect their MPs.  This retreat from basic principles, following his opposition to Open Selection at the last conference are part of a disastrous policy of appeasement.
Unfortunately instead of learning the lesson that most antisemitism allegations are fake and abusive Owen Jones engages in a pathetic bout of  special pleading
Owen Jones is bitten by the very same dogs he set on others
The irony is that Owen Jones, who has falsely accused others of 'anti-Semitism' was himself falsely accused by Rachel Riley - McCarthyist witchhunts have a habit of devouring their own
Naturally Owen Jones, ever the opportunist, joined in. Writing in the Guardian this super ego opinedthat ‘Whatever Luciana Berger’s politics, Labour members must stand with her against antisemitism’. Luciana Berger isn’t under attack because she is Jewish but because she is a reactionary, racist member of the JLM and a paid up member of the Israel lobby. According to this media tart, Berger ‘not only deserves solidarity, but requires it’. In other words this peripatetic member of the Left believes Berger should be given a free pass to attack Corbyn and help split the Labour Party.
Idiot Rachel Riley, the latest expert on 'antisemitism' says 'I don't look like a typical Jew'!! One wonders what a typical Jew looks like?  Big nose? Fagin? Antisemitism has always been the reverse side of the coin of Zionism. 
The irony is that Owen Jones, who has disgracefully attacked people like Jackie Walker, the recipient of vile racist abuse, has in turn been accused of anti-Semitism by Rachel Riley.  Protesting his innocence he pointed to how he himself had made false accusations rather than drawing the conclusion that if he was falsely accused then so have others. Why is Owen Jones helping to subvert Corbyn?
Naturally Jon Lansman, Momentum’s fuhrer, tweeted his “solidarity” with Berger, saying: “Whether you agree with her politics or not, whether you think she is the best possible MP for her constituency or not, she’s suffered appalling abuse. Must we always agree with people to show solidarity?” Nearly all this so-called abuse is from people outraged at her support for the real abuse that Palestinians suffer at the hands of her Israeli friends. But since Lansman is a Zionist that is of no concern to him either.
Corbyn’s Days Are Numbered
It is becoming increasingly difficult to see Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister.  He seems determined to destroy his own position, lurching from crisis to crisis. Instead of using his advantages such as the 2017 election gains, to turn the tables on the Right he has defended them at every turn.  Even today, when as implacable enemy as Luciana Berger is being held to account by her own party, instead of defending their democratic right to do so Corbyn’s unnamed advisers (Milne, Fisher) urge the party to pull back. 
Coupled with his hopeless position on Brexit when it is clear that the majority of Labour Party members want a second referendum and when it is equally clear that Brexit will be an economic and political disaster, Corbyn acts like a sullen child, digs his feet in whilst refusing to articulate any coherent position.  Trapped as he is by the legacy of the British Communist  Party’s socialism in one country i.e. economic nationalism.
To paraphraseJohn Donne’ ‘don’t ask for whom the bell tolls it tolls for thee’. It is the lack of any criticism by Corbyn supporters, many of whom believe adulation in itself will enable him to set foot in Number. 10 that is driving Labour into a cul-de-sac which will lead to Corbyn’s resignation and a Tory victory at the polls.  The time to change direction is becoming shorter and shorter.
Tony Greenstein

Racial Profiling - Just an everyday tale of racism in the ‘Jewish’ State

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This description by Nai Barghouti, an Israeli Palestinian, of her ordeal at Israel’s Ben Gurion Airport is a familiar one.  Racism begins at Israel’s borders if you are an Arab or Black person. In 2011 Israel’s High Court  issued an Order Nisi forbidding the practice of categorising Israel’s Arab population as a ‘security threat’ but Israel’s state is a law unto itself and so the practice has continued to this day.
However it is not only Arabs who now suffer this kind of harassment.  Suspicion of being a supporter of BDS or even a liberal Zionist supporter of human rights, such as Peter Beinart of Forward will qualify you for being stopped and questioned. 
Even Jennifer Gorovitz, a Vice President of the highly respectable liberal New Israel Fund was also stopped and questioned. Support for human rights is now an offence in the eyes of Israel’s security state.
But to people like Luciana Berger and Tom Watson, it isn’t this state racism and terror that is the problem, it is ‘anti-Semitism’.

Tony Greenstein 

Defying Racism: A Palestinian musician’s ordeal at Ben Gurion Airport

Nai Barghouti on January 14, 2019
Nai Barghouti (Photo courtesy of the author)

I left our family home on Monday January 7, 2019, at 9:30 am to be at Ben Gurion Airport, near Tel Aviv, at 10:30 am to catch my 12:45 pm flight to Amsterdam, where I am currently pursuing my bachelor’s degree in music.
Before packing my suitcase the night before, I made a packing list to make sure I didn’t forget anything. I managed to cross everything off the list and be at the airport on time. But there was one thing I forgot to write down… one very important detail that I simply forgot to think about… I am Palestinian!
On the rare occasion that Israeli courts challenge the state, they are simply ignored
Like all Palestinians carrying Israeli citizenship and living under Israel’s regime of apartheid, I always have a bad feeling about going to the airport, and this time was no exception. The flu I caught a night before did not help either. My mother, who drove me to the airport, was really worried about a military checkpoint on the way that could make me miss my flight, but we got “lucky” this time.
A colonial military occupation, brutalizing you for so many years, can really mess up your expectations. Crossing a military roadblock starts giving you this strange feeling of achievement. Your basic human rights become a privilege rather than the norm, and that becomes the new norm.
One of the most dangerous aspects about regimes of colonial oppression is that they strive to occupy the mind of the oppressed, not just their land.
We arrived at the airport, and I was trying to convince my mother not to wait for me to finish the dehumanizing “security” check like she always does. While I always love to see her face at a distance, behind the thick glass, waiving her reassuring hand, I really hate to see her angrily but helplessly observe the racist Israeli security officials trying to humiliate me just because of who I am—a Palestinian. I begged her to leave, but she insisted: “I can’t just leave you in this horrible place. You never know what happens.” She was right!
My Arabic name on my passport immediately gave away my identity, inviting their “royal” treatment. When the security officer asked me whether I spoke Hebrew and I said no, her anger was visible. When she asked me what I was doing in Amsterdam and I answered that I was studying jazz, she could no longer contain her racist vibes. How could I so bluntly destroy her bigoted stereotype of “Arab women”? She told me I had to undergo an intrusive “body search.”
I immediately accused her of racism, of racial profiling and of being vengeful against me because of who I am and what I do. She shouted back that she was doing her job. I reminded her that many unspeakable crimes in history have been perpetrated under that immoral excuse.
She took her revenge by claiming that my laptop did not pass her security check and therefore cannot go with me on the plane. This is despite the fact that she asked me to open it and turn it on, which I did successfully. She said they would send it by mail to my address in Amsterdam. I laughed at her audacity and objected strongly. I know from my own experience, and from other Palestinians’ experiences, that leaving your laptop with Ben Gurion airport security invariably means it will be hacked, damaged or “lost.”
I told her that I cannot travel without my laptop as all my music and lecture notes are on it and without that I cannot go to any of my classes.
Her supervisor supported her vindictive decision, so I was forced to miss my flight. I took my laptop and walked out to where my mother was anxiously waiting. She greeted me with the warmest of hugs and a few tears and said, “Don’t worry about a thing, we’ll find a solution. I am so proud of you!”
The next day, she drove me to the land crossing with Jordan. After spending a lovely night with family in Amman, enjoying my great-aunt’s famous white cheese and spinach pies, I travelled through the welcoming Amman airport and arrived in Amsterdam safe, with my laptop and with my dignity intact.
As furious as I am at the Israeli security officer’s ugly racism and vengefulness, I felt slightly bad for her. Despite her best efforts to humiliate me, I shall go on resisting her state’s racism and apartheid with my music, and one day I may actually make a difference in my people’s struggle for liberation. She, however, will continue to search Palestinians’ underwear, to lie about our laptops not passing security checks, and to be an insignificant tool of a system of racist oppression.
As I was about to get out of the airport, I raised my voice to make sure my finale reaches as many people in the airport as possible. “You know what is very close to Amsterdam? The Hague. One day, you and your leaders will be prosecuted for crimes at the International Criminal Court there.”
She remained silent and looked down, and I walked out with a smile, my head held up high, and saw mama’s hand still waiving.

As Venezuela is Subject to US Destabilisation We Remember another American ‘War for Democracy’

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At a time when US imperialism is baring its teeth once again in Venezuela, which like Iraq is coincidentally another oil laden country, it is good to be reminded of another American ‘war for democracy’ in Cuba. What is staggering, in view of the past 60 years of embargos and sanctions (only sanctions against Israel are hateful, those on Cuba are full of love) is that when the Cuban revolution happened, it was welcomed in the belly of the beast, the United States.
However that situation did not last for long.  US Corporations and their spokesmen were not amused at seeing their assets being nationalised.  Castro, who at that time had nothing to do with Cuba’s Communist  Party which had opposed his driving out of Batista, was forced into the hands of the Soviet Union by Eisenhower and Nixon. Castro was an anti-imperialist and the United States was the world’s major imperial power.
Castro with Dr. Grayson Kirk, president of Columbia University. IMAGE: JOHN DUPREY/NY DAILY NEWS VIA GETTY IMAGES
Today the United States under their idiot President Trump has rolled back the agreement Obama reached with Cuba. Trump would dearly love to see the overthrow of the Cuban state but that is beyond his grasp.
Tony Greenstein
He is either incredibly naive about communism or under communist discipline. My guess is the former.

1959
When New York went crazy for the Cuban leader
When Fidel Castro came to New York in April 1959, it was a mere four months since the 33-year-old had led the successful revolution to overthrow the Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista.
Castro had pulled no punches in his anti-America speeches, and he had extensive associations with the political left. Yet the press loved Castro, and it was the American Society of Newspaper Editors who extended an invite for his visit to the U.S. 
Castro seemed almost super-real, like a character from an action movie, in his trademark green army uniform, boots and bushy beard.  Castro certainly did not disappoint his journalistic hosts, regaling reporters with the many tales of his time as a fighter in the Cuban guerilla war.
The police confront a ring of anti-Castro Cubans at 39th Street and Fifth Avenue. They were among spectators who launched a fusillade of eggs when Castro supporters showed up in red shirts for the fifth annual United Puerto Rican-Hispanic parade up Fifth Avenue. Fidel's fans were shouting "Viva Castro" and "Down with Yankees." IMAGE: PHIL GREITZER/NY DAILY NEWS ARCHIVE VIA GETTY IMAGES
President Eisenhower had refused to meet Castro — that job was handed down to Vice President Richard Nixon. But Castro took full advantage of his 11-day stay.  He hired a public relations firm, ate hot dogs, kissed ladies like a rock star, and held babies like a politician. He even placed a wreath on George Washington’s grave.
Youngsters admire Fidel Castro's beard during a visit to his hotel. The children attended a Queens school with Castro's son. The boy was secretly living In New York while his father led the Cuban revolution. Left to right: Gene Wolf, Kathy Johnston, Kathy Tableman, David Friedlander, Karen Leland and Robert Boyle. IMAGE: GEORGE MATTSON/NY DAILY NEWS ARCHIVE VIA GETTY IMAGES

But within a year, Eisenhower had authorized a plan to attack Cuba. With the CIA arming and training Cuban exiles, the attack when it came — the operation known as the Bay of Pigs — was a fiasco.  

We take A Look Back in Time When Fidel Castro Charmed the United States

Sixty years ago this month, the romantic victory of the young Cuban revolutionaries amazed the world—and led to a surreal evening on the US’s  premier variety show “The Ed Sullivan Show”

Smithsonian Magazine
Ed Sullivan interviews Fidel Castro in January 1959, shortly after dictator Fulgencio Batista had fled the country. , CBS Photo Archives / Getty Images

The world’s most notorious guerrilla leader was about to invade their living rooms, and Americans were thrilled. At 8:00 p.m. on Sunday, January 11, 1959, some 50 million viewers tuned their television sets to “The Ed Sullivan Show,” the trendsetting variety revue that had introduced them to Elvis Presley a few years earlier and would bring them the Beatles several years later. On this winter’s evening the avuncular Sullivan was hosting a Latin celebrity who had aroused intense curiosity across the United States: Fidel Castro, a charming 32-year-old lawyer-turned-revolutionary, known for his unkempt beard and khaki patrol cap, who had against all odds overthrown a bloodthirsty military regime in Cuba.
Miss Gladys Feijoo, 19, who was nominated Miss La Prensa of 1959, kisses Castro as he signs an autograph for her collection. IMAGE: GEORGE LOCKHART/NY DAILY NEWS VIA GETTY IMAGES
For America’s most beloved entertainment program, it was a rare excursion into politics. Earlier in the hour, Sullivan had presented a more typical array of artistic offerings for the staid Eisenhower era. Four acrobats leapt and gamboled around the stage (two of them wearing ape costumes). The Little Gaelic Singers crooned soothing Irish harmonies. A stand-up comic performed a cheesy routine about suburban house parties. Finally, Sullivan cut to the main attraction: his friendly interview with Fidel at the very cusp of the rebels’ victory.
Castro waves to crowds on his way to Pennsylvania Station from the Statler Hilton Hotel in New York City, en route to Boston. IMAGE: CARL T. GOSSETT JR/NEW YORK TIMES CO./GETTY IMAGES
The segment had been filmed at 2:00 a.m. on January 8 in the provincial outpost of Matanzas, 60 miles east of Havana, using the town hall as an improvised TV studio. Only a few hours after the interview, Fidel would make his triumphant entrance into the Cuban capital, his men riding on the backs of captured tanks in euphoric scenes that evoked the liberation of Paris. It was the electrifying climax of history’s most unlikely revolution: a scruffy handful of self-taught insurgents—many of them kids just out of college, literature majors, art students, and engineers, including a number of trailblazing women—had somehow defeated 40,000 professional soldiers and forced the sinister dictator, President Fulgencio Batista, to flee from the island like a thief in the night.


Cuba Libre!: Che, Fidel, and the Improbable Revolution That Changed World History

The surprising story of Che Guevara, Fidel Castro, and the scrappy band of rebel men and women who followed them.

Given the animosity that sprang up between the U.S. and Cuba soon after, the chummy atmosphere of the conversation today seems closer to “The Twilight Zone.” On-screen, Sullivan and his guest could hardly look more incongruous. Trying to look casual as he leans against a table, the thickset 57 -year-old yanqui impresario appears to have just walked out of a Brooks Brothers ad in his tailored suit and tie, his helmet of dyed hair neatly combed and brilliantined. (He was often parodied as a “well-dressed gorilla.”)
Fidel, by contrast, was already a fashion icon for rebellious American youth, his olive-drab uniform, martial kepi, and raffish facial hair instantly recognizable. Clustered around the pair are a dozen equally shaggy young rebels who were known in Cuba simply as los barbudos, “the bearded ones,” all cradling weapons—“a forest of tommy guns,” Sullivan later said. Fidel’s lover and confidante, Celia Sánchez, who often appeared by his side in press interviews, was this time standing off-camera, wearing specially tailored fatigues and balancing a cigarette in her finely manicured fingers. The most efficient organizer of the Rebel Army, she had brokered the media event and now dedicated herself to keeping the male guerrillas, who were as excitable as schoolboys, from wandering across the set or talking.
Police and plainclothes detectives ride the miniature railway transporting Fidel Castro during his tour of the Bronx Zoo. IMAGE: OSSIE LEVINESS/NY DAILY NEWS VIA GETTY IMAGES
With his first breath, Sullivan assures CBS viewers that they are about to meet “a wonderful group of revolutionary youngsters,” as if they are the latest pop music sensation. Despite their unwashed appearance, Fidel’s followers are a far cry from the godless Communists depicted by the Cuban military’s propaganda machine, he adds; in fact, they are all wearing Catholic medals and some are even piously carrying copies of the Bible. But Sullivan is most interested in Fidel himself. The sheer improbability of his victory over the thuggish strongman Batista had bathed him in a romantic aura. U.S. magazines openly described Fidel as a new Robin Hood, with Celia as his Maid Marian, robbing from the rich to give to the poor.
Sullivan’s first questions are not the most hard-hitting: “Now, in school,”he chortles in his distinctively nasal voice, “I understand you were a very fine student and a very fine athlete. Were you a baseball pitcher?”
Yes,” Fidel replies in the halting English learned at his Jesuit high school and several visits to New York City. “Baseball, basketball, softball. Every kind of sport.”
“Undoubtedly all of this exercise you did at school prepared you for this role?”
“Yes. I found myself in good condition to exist in the mountains . . .”
The hardened celebrity hound Sullivan is clearly starstruck by his guest, and his delivery is far more animated than his usual monotonous drone back in the New York studio. Comandante en Jefe Castro, meanwhile, comes across as earnest, sweet-natured, and eager to please, furrowing his brow with effort as he grasps for his English vocabulary. It’s hard not to feel for the rebel leader as he struggles gamely with the half-remembered tongue.
Some of the interview is haunting in retrospect. “I’d like to ask you a couple of questions, Fidel,” Sullivan says, serious for a moment. “In Latin American countries over and over again, dictators [have] stolen millions and millions of dollars, tortured and killed people. How do you propose to end that here in Cuba?”
Fidel laughs. “Very easy. By not permitting that any dictatorship come again to rule our country. You can be sure that Batista . . . will be the last dictator of Cuba.”
In 1959, Sullivan saw no reason to argue.
The lovefest now proceeds to its crescendo. “The people of the United States, they have great admiration for you and your men,” the host advises Fidel. “Because you are in the real American tradition—of a George Washington—of any band who started off with a small body [of men] and fought against a great nation and won.” Fidel takes the compliment in stride; after all, the U.S. press had been idolizing him for nearly two years as a citizen-soldier in the very spirit of 1776.
What do you feel about the United States?” Sullivan asks.
My feeling to the people of the United States is a feeling of sympathy,” Fidel says evenly, “because they are a very worker people . . ."
(“They work hard,” Ed interprets.)
“They have founded that big nation, working very much . . .”
(“That is right . . .” Ed nods.)
“United States is not one race [of] people, [they] came from every part in the world . . . at is why the United States belong[s] to the world, to those who were persecuted, to those who could not live in their own country . ..”
We want you to like us.” Sullivan glows. “And we like you. You and Cuba!”
The show then cuts back to Sullivan in CBS’s Manhattan studio, where the arbiter of middle-class American taste lavishes Fidel with the same magnanimous praise he had heaped on Elvis.
“You know, this is a fine young man and a very smart young man,”he pronounces, squeezing his arms together in his famous hunched stance. “And with the help of God and our prayers, and with the help of the American government, he will come up with the sort of democracy down there that America should have.”
And then the show rolled on to its next variety segment: a fashion show for poodles.
**********
Today, it is all but impossible to imagine that moment in 1959 when the Cuban Revolution was fresh, Fidel and Che were young and handsome, and Americans could view the uprising as an embodiment of their own finest ideals. As Sullivan observed, here was a people fighting for freedom against injustice and tyranny, a modern echo of the War of Independence, with Fidel as a sexier version of a Founding Father and his guerrillas the reincarnation of Ethan Allen’s Green Mountain Boys, the irregular sharpshooters who helped defeat the redcoats.
A string of other gushing interviews would quickly follow Sullivan’s, conducted by everyone from the revered CBS newsman Edward R. Murrow to the Hollywood actor Errol Flynn. A few months later, in April 1959, Fidel even traveled on a victory lap of the northeastern United States: he was mobbed by admirers as he ate hot dogs in New York City, spoke at Princeton, and made dutiful visits to hallowed shrines of democracy such as Mount Vernon and the Lincoln Memorial.
Meanwhile, American Cubaphiles flocked to Havana to see the revolution firsthand and were warmly welcomed. They immersed themselves in the Mardi Gras atmosphere, attending mass rallies and wacky, radical street celebrations such as a mock funeral parade for a nationalized telephone company, complete with musicians dressed as mourners and fake coffins. Havana was a round-the-clock fiesta, with buskers on every corner singing patriotic songs to raise money for the new Cuban state in a delirious wave of optimism.
Beat poets wrote odes to Fidel. African-Americans were exhilarated by Cuba’s overnight abolition of all segregation laws, just as the Civil Rights Movement was gaining pace in the U.S., and joined special group tours for black writers and artists. A Creek chief traveled to meet Fidel wearing a full-feathered war bonnet. Feminists rejoiced in Cuba’s promise that women’s liberation would be “a revolution within the revolution.”
The entire world was fascinated by the apparent explosion of idealism: Fidel, Che and Celia basked in goodwill, entertaining intellectuals like Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir. There was a chance, many felt, that Cuba would become a paradise of political, racial, and gender equality.
The reason for our amnesia about how the revolution was received is, of course, political: the popular memory of the guerrilla campaign was an early casualty of the Cold War. When los barbudos first rolled into Havana in January 1959, they were showered with admiration for what seemed a black-and-white struggle for liberty. But Atomic Age milestones such as the CIA-backed Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961 and the near-Armageddon of the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962, which pushed the human race the closest it has ever come to extinction in nuclear war, quickly overshadowed any romance for most in the Western world. It became widely accepted in the U.S. that Fidel and his supporters had been covering up Communist sympathies that had lurked in their hearts from the start.
And yet, the story of how a few amateur subversives defeated one of Latin America’s most loathsome regimes remains a defining saga of the 20th century. In the words of historian Nancy Stout, Cuba’s was “the perfect revolution” for the visual media age that kicked off in the 1950s: it was short; it was successful; it unfolded in neat stages—“like an operetta”—and yet with the narrative arc of a paperback thriller. It was also full of larger-than-life characters. Coinciding with the birth of network television and the golden age of magazines, it became history’s most photogenic revolt. Images of the dashing guerrillas and attractive guerrilla women—almost all in their 20s or early 30s, some of them fresh-faced teenagers—jolted the world towards the 1960s.
Thanks to the veil of suspicion and ideology hanging over Cuba today, few are aware of just how improvised the revolution was; its leaders were largely forced to make up their own brand of jungle combat and urban resistance as they went along. Even fewer recall the genuine bravery and self-sacrifice of those years, when ordinary Cubans risked torture and death every day at the hands of Batista’s henchmen, who were as sadistic as Gestapo agents. Under Batista, thousands of young rebel sympathizers disappeared into police torture chambers, their mutilated bodies strung up in parks or dumped in gutters the next morning. Today, long decades after el triunfo, “the triumph,”a few famous images of the main characters—Fidel with his Old Testament beard, Che in his beret gazing mystically ahead—have become frozen as Soviet-era clichés.
But by going back to original letters, diaries, TV and newspaper accounts, it's possible to turn back the clock to recapture the atmosphere of Cuba in the 1950s, when the actors were unknowns, history was unformed, and the fate of the revolution hung in the balance. Imagining history as it was lived helps to explain how the optimism of the uprising went so badly awry. Were Americans—and the many moderate Cubans who supported the revolution—duped by Fidel, as hardliners would later allege, tricked by a Machiavellian figure who had a secret agenda from the start? Or could the story of modern Cuba, which reshaped international politics so radically, have gone another way?
Tony Perrottet is a contributing writer for Smithsonian magazine, a regular contributor to the New York Times and WSJ Magazine, and the author of six books including The Naked Olympics: The True Story of the Ancient GamesNapoleon's Privates: 2500 Years of History Unzipped and The Sinner's Grand Tour: A Journey Through the Historical Underbelly of Europe.
From Cuba Libre!: Che, Fidel and the Improbable Revolution That Changed World History by Tony Perrottet, published by Blue Rider Press, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright (c) 2019 by Tony Perrottet.

The Political Lynching of Ilhan Omar – Telling the Truth About Zionism and its Lobbies is NEVER anti-Semitic

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Ilhan Omar had nothing to apologise for and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez should have supported her not applauded her forced apology




The past few days have seen the equivalent of what socialists in the Labour Party have experienced but it has taken place in the United States. Like Jackie Walker, Marc Wadsworth, Ken Livingstone and myself, Ilhan Omar has experienced hypocrisy, double-speak and pure unadulterated racism from America’s Zionist lobby. All in the name of fighting ‘anti-Semitism’ of course! All too many people have fallen for this 3 card political card trick.
Why even that well known anti-racist Donald Trump has joined in!  Did you remember in Trump’s abysmal State of the Union address recently, whilst spending 17 minutes attacking refugees at the border and accusing them of all being criminals, he had time to condemn ‘anti-Semitism’.
Ilham Omar
What is amazing is that there are still those who don’t understand that when creatures like Margaret Hodge or Luciana Berger talk about ‘anti-Semitism’ they don’t mean hatred of Jews but hatred of Zionism and the Israeli state.
It's about the Benjamins i.e. money - in the final analysis that is exactly what it's about

Batya Ungar-Sargon playing stupid - AIPAC exists for no other reason than to pay off politicians and bribe its way across the political circuit

The attack on Ilan Omar began with a race baiting article by the Opinion Editor of The ForwardBatya Ungar-Sargon. On Sunday Ilhan responded to a tweet by The Intercept’s Glenn Greenwald, who remarked on how Kevin McCarthy, the  Republican leader in Congress, was threatening Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib with punishment for criticising Israel.  Greenwald observed that it was ‘stunning how much time some US political leaders spend defending a foreign nation’ even if it is at the expense of free speech for Americans.
Obama's Ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro clearly has forgotten the time when he was called a Jew-boy by Aviv Bushinsky, Netanyahu's former spokesman for mildly criticising his ex-boss. Note how 'this tired antisemitic trope about Jews and money'has become the accepted wisdom despite the subject never having been mentioned!
Of course it’s not really remarkable because Israel is the United States’ closes ally, it forward base in the Middle East. In response Ilhan posted a reply ‘It’s all about the Benjamin’s baby’ (a reference to Benjamin Franklin’s picture on US $100 bills).
Immediately Batyar couldn’t resist the temptation to attack one of Congress’s only two Muslim women, asking ‘Would love to know who @ilhanomar thinks is paying American politicians to be pro-Israel.’ when the answer was obvious. Ilhan came back with a one word reply – AIPAC. This is 100% correct. What would be wrong or misguided would to be suggest that US Foreign Policy is a consequence of AIPAC’s bribes to politicians. AIPAC’s bribes are part of a seamless web of political corruption. AIPAC stands for American Israel Public Affairs Committee. 
To which Batty respondedthat ‘freshman Congresswoman Ilhan Omar tweeted something anti-Semitic.’ For Zionists, even the truth can be anti-Semitic. It is an incontrovertible fact that AIPAC sponors and bribes US politicians.  Batty claimedthat ‘AIPAC does not endorse candidates, nor does it make campaign contributions, though its members and employees do.’
 This is a straightforward lie. AIPAC does little else. It runs hostile campaigns against those it doesn’t like.  It takes all elected Congressmen on a free trip to Israel after they have been elected.  It speaks volumers that The Forward’s Opinion Editor feels the need to lie so blatantly in order to sustain her allegations of ‘anti-Semitism’.  Like Margaret Hodge, Luciana Berger and others of her ilk in Britain, lying is second nature to the apologists for Zionism.

Anyone who doubts this should read the painfully honest article by Ady BarkanWhat Ilhan Omar Said About AIPAC Was Right - I’m ashamed to admit that endorsing AIPAC positions was all about the Benjamins for me and my candidate.’

Ady is a former Israeli lobbyist who in his dying days has become repulsed at what he was doing. Ady described how fresh out of college in 2006 he was working with the Democratic congressional candidate in ‘deepest red Ohio’ when an AIPAC staffer offered $5,000 if the candidate, Victoria Wulsin, would support AIPAC’s position on Iran and another issue.  Despite being pro-peace they agreed to do Aipac’s bidding for the money. Ady wrote that ‘It was, I am ashamed to say, definitely about the Benjamins.’
The article is particularly sad because Ady is only 35 and is dying from a ‘poorly understood neurological disease with no treatment’ which has paralysed him. He can only write thanks to modern technology that tracks the location of his eyes.
'Antisemitism has no place in the US Congress'except when it comes from me, Trump and the Christian Right!
The Jewish Forward has played a major part in this story but most of their writers haven’t taken the nakedly Jewish supremacist and racist approach of Batya Ungar-Sargon.  One such is Joshua Leifer’s Ilhan Omar Writes Bad Tweets. But The Right Has Jewish Blood On Its Hands, which .  Unlike Batty Joshua doesn’t try to defend AIPACwhich he describes as exterting a ‘massive sway over American politics and works to prop up a brutal, unjust status quo of perpetual occupation in Israel-Palestine, but there are ways to critique this responsibly, without resorting to words and phrases that evoke unsavory tropes.’ Contrast this with Batya’s apologetics for an organisation whose sole purpose is to support the Israeli far-Right and its Occupation.
My own view is that Ilhan’s suggestion that it was all abut the ‘Benjamin’s’ was a mistake, not least because the supply of corrupt money does not account for Aipac’s influence. Its political influence stems from being aligned with powerful imperialist and corporate political forces in the United States.  However what is equally clear is that nothing Ilhan said was in the least anti-Semitic.
What is a story about Jewish donors if not about Jewish money?
I am reminded over a similar furore in Britain in the Autumn of 2015 when the late Gerald Kaufman MP attributed the pro-Zionist stance of the Tories to ‘Jewish money’ from Conservative Friends of Israel. It was an unfortunate phrase but it was also not anti-Semitic.  Or if it was then the Jewish Chronicle which has repeatedly carried the same phrase is one of Britain’s most anti-Semitic publications! Jewish money is a theme of much of the British press, for example stories about how Jewish donors are no longer supporting the Labour Party for example Labour funding crisis: Jewish donors drop 'toxic' Ed Miliband. This however gave the CAA the excuse to launch an attack on Kaufman, a Jewish MP, who had been a stalwart supporter of the Palestinians.

One of Omar's biggest critics was Republican House leader, Kevin McCarthy who unlike Ilan has peddled genuinely anti-semitic nonsense
Leifer pointed out that Kevin McCarthy was the same person who accused George Soros and two other Jews of trying to buy the election.  His tweet included a scowling picture of Soros and the inevitable #MAGA (make America great) which is the accompaniment of Trump’s America First slogan.
Leifer pointed the finger at those ‘American Jewish establishment organizations — like AIPAC, the ADL, and the AJC’ who ‘have found common cause with the right around support for the Israeli government and anti-BDS laws.’
However the most articulate article in The Forward is that of Peter Beinart, a liberal Zionist, a senior columnist as well as being a professor of journalism.
In The Sick Double Standard In The Ilhan Omar ControversyIlhan Omar ‘was wrong to tweet that the American government’s support of Israel is “all about the Benjamins.” This is undoubtedly right. It is too crude and simplistic to reduce the support of American imperialism for Israel to the ability of the Zionist/Israel lobby to bribe politicians although a tweet is hardly the place for a sophisticated analysis.
If that was all that was needed to remove the Zionist entity then the Arab governments could have done it years ago. Beinart also acknowledged that ‘AIPAC’s influence rests partly on the money its members donate to politicians. But it also rests on a deep cultural and religious affinity for Israel among conservative white Christians, who see the Jewish state as an outpost of pro-American, “Judeo-Christian” values in a region they consider hostile to their country and faith.’
Where I disagree with Beinart is with his suggestion that Omar’s tweet was ‘irresponsible.’In what was a tortured explanation, he argued that ‘Accusing a largely (though not officially) Jewish organization like AIPAC of buying politicians is different than accusing the NRA or the drug industry of buying politicians because modern history is not replete with murderous conspiracy theories about how gun owners and pharmaceutical executives secretly use their money to control governments.’ AIPAC is not a Jewish group, it is a Zionist political group and as such should not be immune from criticism lest it offend Jewish sensibilities. In any case there are many people who allege that the gun lobby and big pharma use their money to control or influence government policy.
Those who accuse Omar of ‘anti-Semitism’ are saying that to be a pro-Israel group is to be Jewish.  Factually this is nonsense. Beinart also says that Omar ‘was right to apologize last month for a 2012 tweet in which she also evoked anti-Semitic stereotypes by accusing Israel of having “hypnotized the world” about its behavior in the Gaza Strip.’
Again I disagree. The fact is that the world has stood by whilst Israel has, in the words of former Chief of Staff Benny Gantz, sent parts of Gaza back into the stone age. Accusing Zionists of hypnotizing the world (or its leaders) is only anti-Semitic if you equate Zionists with Jews, in which case it is you who is anti-Semitic! However Beinart puts the attacks on Ilan into perspective:
Guaranteeing Jews in the West Bank citizenship, due process, free movement and the right to vote for the government that controls their lives while denying those rights to their Palestinian neighbors is bigotry. It’s a far more tangible form of bigotry than Omar’s flirtation with anti-Semitic tropes. And it has lasted for more than a half-century.
Beinart points out that Republican Congressman Lee Zeldin, ‘who has called for stripping Omar of her committee assignments, spoke at a fundraiser for Beit El, a West Bank settlement from which Palestinians are barred from living even though it was built—according to the Israeli supreme court—on land confiscated from its Palestinian owners. It is these double standards by Israel’s supporters which should have been condemned yet instead she was ‘publicly rebuked’ by the entire Democrat’s House leadership. For his enthusiastic endorsement of land theft and state-sponsored bigotry in the West Bank, Zeldin has received no congressional criticism at all. To the contrary, he’s a Republican rising star.’
As Beinart points out that if the Republicans denouncing Omar were sincerely opposed to anti-Semitism, they would not support Trump. He lists just some of his anti-Semitic remarks.
·       In 2013 he tweeted that “I’m much smarter than Jonathan Leibowitz—I mean Jon Stewart.”
·       He ran for president on a slogan laden with anti-Semitic associations from the 1930s: “America First.”
·       In 2015 he told a Jewish audience that “You’re not gonna support me because I don’t want your money… you don’t want to give me money, but that’s ok, you want to control your own politicians that’s fine.”
·       In 2016 he retweeted an image of Hillary Clinton surrounded by money and a Jewish star.
·       He closed his presidential campaign with an ad that showed three Jews—Janet Yellen, Lloyd Blankfein and George Soros—alongside language about “global special interests” that “control the levers of power in Washington.”
·       In 2017, he said there were “very fine people” among the neo-Nazis who marched in Charlottesville and
·       in 2018, his racist fear mongering about a caravan of Central American migrants provoked a Pittsburgh man to commit the worst anti-Semitic atrocity in American history. Unlike Omar, he has not apologized for any of this.
Beinart concludes that ‘if you denounce Ilhan Omar but support Donald Trump, you don’t really oppose bigotry. You don’t even really oppose anti-Semitism. What you oppose is criticism of Israel.’ Republicans ‘are not trying to police bigotry or even anti-Semitism. They’re using anti-Semitism to police the American debate about Israel.’
Another excellent article, from Mehdi Hassan (below) points out the hypocrisy of those who pretend that AIPAC is just a harmless and anodyne debating society.  He quotes the late Uri Avnery as saying that if AIPAC proposed a resolution calling for the abolition of the 10 commandments then 80 senators and 300 Congressmen would sign it.
What this affair tells us is that AIPAC and the Zionist lobby is becoming more twitchy and nervous.  Never before has the Zionist lobby been discussed in America. Millions of people will see through the self-serving apologetics for this Israeli PR group. Although she does not realize it, Ilhan Omar has broken a taboo.  What is disappointing is that other radicals who were elected last November have kept quiet with Alexandria Ocadio-Cortez tweeting that Ilhan was right to apologise when what she should have been doing was calling out her detractors.
What is gratifying is that groups like Jewish Voice for Peace have come out unequivocally in support of Ilhan. Jewish progressives realize that the attack on Ilhan is motivated more by white racism than any concern for Jews.
Tony Greenstein

There Is a Taboo Against Criticizing AIPAC — and Ilhan Omar Just Destroyed It

February 12 2019, 1:00 p.m.
Rep. Ilhan Omar speaks to members of the media after a news conference on Capitol Hill on Jan. 24, 2019. Photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images
In 2005, Steven Rosen, then a senior official with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, sat down for dinner with journalist Jeffrey Goldberg, then of the New Yorker. “You see this napkin?” Rosen askedGoldberg. “In twenty-four hours, [AIPAC] could have the signatures of seventy senators on this napkin.”
I couldn’t help but be reminded of this anecdote after Rep. Ilhan Omar, of Minnesota’s 5th Congressional District, was slammedby Democrats and Republicans alike over her suggestion, in a pair of tweets, that U.S. politicians back the state of Israel because of financial pressure from AIPAC (“It’s all about the Benjamins baby,” she declaimed). Was the flippant way in which she phrased her tweets a problem? Did it offend a significant chunk of liberal U.S. Jewish opinion? Did it perhaps unwittingly play into anti-Semitic tropes about rich Jews controlling the world? Yes, yes, and yes — as she herself has since admitted and “unequivocally” apologized for. But was she wrong to note the power of the pro-Israel lobby, to point a finger at AIPAC, to highlight — in her apology — “the problematic role of lobbyists in our politics, whether it be AIPAC, the NRA or the fossil fuel industry”?
No, no, and no.
Rosen, after all, wasn’t the first AIPAC official to boast about the the raw power that “America’s bipartisan pro-Israel lobby exercises in Washington, D.C. Go back earlier, to 1992, when then-AIPAC President David Steiner was caught on tape braggingthat he had “cut a deal” with the George H.W. Bush White House to provide $3 billion in U.S. aid to Israel. Steiner also claimed to be “negotiating” with the incoming Clinton administration over the appointment of pro-Israel cabinet members. AIPAC, he said, has “a dozen people in [the Clinton] campaign, in the headquarters … and they’re all going to get big jobs.”
Go back further, to 1984, when Sen. Charles Percy, a moderate Republican from Illinois, was defeated in his re-election campaign after he “incurred AIPAC’s wrath” by declining to sign onto an AIPAC-sponsored letter and daring to refer to Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat as more “moderate” than other Palestinian resistance figures. AIPAC contributors raised more than a million dollars to help defeat Percy. As Tom Dine, then-executive director of AIPAC, gloatedin a speech shortly after the GOP senator’s defeat,“all the Jews, from coast to coast, gathered to oust Percy. And the American politicians —  those who hold public positions now, and those who aspire — got the message.”
Nearly four decades later, as members of the U.S. political and media classes pile onto Omar, are the rest of us supposed to pretend that AIPAC officials never said or did any of this? And are we also expected to forget that the New York Times’s Tom Friedman, a long-standing advocate for Israel in the American media, once describedthe standing ovations received by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, from members of Congress, as having been “bought and paid for by the Israel lobby”? Or that Goldberg, now editor-in-chief of The Atlantic and dubbedthe most influential journalist/blogger on matters related to Israel,” calledAIPAC a “leviathan among lobbies, as influential in its sphere as the National Rifle Association and the American Association of Retired Persons are in theirs”? Or that J.J. Goldberg, former editor of the Jewish weekly newspaper The Forward, saidin 2002, in reference to AIPAC, “There is this image in Congress that you don’t cross these people or they take you down”?
Are we supposed to dismiss Uri Avnery, the late Israeli peace activist and one-time member of the Zionist paramilitary, the Irgun, who once remarkedthat if AIPAC “were to table a resolution abolishing the Ten Commandments, 80 senators and 300 congressmen would sign it at once,” as a Jew-hater? Or label Jan Harman, a former member of Congress and devoted defender of Israel, an anti-Semite for telling CNN in 2013 that her former colleagues on Capitol Hill had struggled to back Barack Obama’s Iran nuclear diplomacy to due “big parts of the pro-Israel lobby in the United States being against it, the country of Israel being against it”?
To be clear: AIPAC is not a political action committee and does not provide donations directly to candidates. However, it does act as a “force multiplier,” to quotethe Jewish Telegraph Agency’s Andrew Silow-Carroll, and “its rhetorical support for a candidate is a signal to Jewish PACs and individual donors across the country to back his or her campaign.” As Friedman explained to me in an interview in 2013: “Mehdi, if you and I were running from the same district, and I have AIPAC’s stamp of approval and you don’t, I will maybe have to make three phone calls. … I’m exaggerating, but I don’t have to make many phone calls to get all the money I need to run against you. You will have to make 50,000 phone calls.” (Is Friedman an anti-Semite too? Asking for a friend.)
What makes this whole row over Omar’s remarks so utterly bizarre is that so many leading Democrats, loudly and rightly, decry the pernicious and undeniable impact of special interests, lobbyists, and donations on a whole host of issues — from the role of Big Pharma and Big Finance; to influence-peddling by Saudi Arabia; to the “grip” that the NRA has on the debate over gun control, to quoteDemocratic senator Richard Blumenthal. But any mention of AIPAC and lobbying in favor of Israel? “Anti-Semitism!
It's 'offensive and wrong' to suggest members of Congress are 'bought off' to support Israel but not wrong to suggest this takes place over gun control
Do they have no shame? Take Donna Shalala, a new member of Congress from Florida’s 27th District (and a former cabinet member under Clinton).
Yet here is the same Shalala boasting last month that she didn’t allow the NRA to “buy me during the campaign.”
Got that? It’s “offensive and wrong” to suggest the pro-Israel lobby tries to buy off politicians. But it’s totally fine to suggest the pro-gun lobby does. (The irony is that AIPAC’s leading lights haven’t been shy about making their own analogy with the NRA. “I’m sure there are people out there who are for gun control, but because of the NRA don’t say anything,” Morris Amitay, former AIPAC executive director, once admitted. “If you’re a weak candidate to begin with,” he continued, and your record is “anti-Israel and you have a credible opponent, your opponent will be helped.”)
Today, the Palestinians continue to be bombed, besieged, and dispossessedby their Israeli occupiers — with the full military and financial support of the United States government. There are a variety of credible explanations for this support: Israel’s role as a strategic asset” and “mighty aircraft carrier“; U.S. Christian evangelicals’ obsession with Israel and the end-times prophecy; the impact of arms sales and the U.S. military-industrial complex; not to mention the long-standing cultural and social ties between American Jews and Israeli Jews. But to pretend money doesn’t play a role — or that AIPAC doesn’t have a big impacton members of Congress and their staffers — is deeply disingenuous.
And so we should thank Omar, the freshman lawmaker, for having the guts to raise this contentious issue and break a long-standing taboo in the process — even if she maybe did so in a clumsy and problematic fashion.
But you don’t have to take her word for it. “When people ask me how they can help Israel,” former Israeli prime minister and uber-hawk Ariel Sharon once toldan audience in the United States, “I tell them: Help AIPAC.”
See

Ilhan Omar should be more radical about Israel, not less, Barnaby Raine, Guardian 12.2.19.  

Ilhan Omar under attack for telling truth about Israel lobby, Ali Abunimah, Electronic Intifada, 11.2.19.

House Majority Leader posted anti-Semitic tweet after bomb sent to George Soros' house, Salon, 28.10.18., Matthew Rozsa


The Martyrdom of Razan al-Najar – Israel’s Callous Murder of a Young Woman

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New York Times Article Demonstrates Beyond Any Doubt that Israeli Snipers Deliberately Targeted Palestinian Medics
This is a quite amazing investigative article from the New York Times.  The NYT is a byword in pro-Zionist journalism. Their reporters have gone out of their way to portray Israel’s murder of over 200 Palestinians in Gaza this year as a self-inflicted piece of theatre designed to show up Israel as the cartoon below shows.
This is the normal nonsense that  NYT commentators dish out
It is therefore even more amazing that NYT reporters have conducted, much to the fury of many of their commentators, a forensic analysis of what happened which demonstrates beyond any doubt that an Israeli sniper deliberately shot into a crowd of medics and civilians, none of whom posed any threat whatsoever to Israel.
Of course the article suffers from many political mistakes, not least in its tentative heading suggesting Razan's death could have been an accident. It's like saying that if you put a rattlesnake in a baby's cot and he dies that that too is an accident.  When you shoot into a crowd of people then you do it with the knowledge you may kill one or more of them.
Likewise there is the acceptance that Israel had a right to prevent the demonstrators accessing the fence that divides Gaza from Israel. The march was entitled the Great Return because all of those involved had the right to enter Israel.  The same Israel that prevents anyone accessing Gaza. The article operates within the racist paradigm that Israel can keep out the refugees who came from surrounding areas, on the basis that they are not Jewish. But with all those caveats the article is still breaking new ground. 
This suggests that the debate over Israel and Palestine in the USA is slowly changing and that things are not what they used to be.  People in America are no longer willing to be spoonfed Zionist propaganda any longer.

Rouzan al-Najjar and Palestinian medics approached the border fence to assist wounded protesters on June 1, 2018.Published OnCreditCreditSaid Khatib/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images


The whole debate over Israel’s wanton murder of unarmed demonstrators is suffused with racism. The standard Zionist narrative is that ‘Hamas organised it’– those killed are Hamas, as if that makes it ok.  There is a racist denial of any agency to Palestinians.  Let us be clear.  The Great Return march was organised by ordinary Palestinians, not Hamas, as a protest against the intolerable conditions that they live under – from only 4 hours if that of electricity each day, a perpetual shortage of food, polluted drinking water, lack of medical facilities, unemployment etc. Gaza is an open air prison with Israel controlling all exits.  Anyone with the slightest understanding of what is happening in the Gaza pressure cooker understands this.
Hamas, which was all but a creation of Israel, is a conservative and yes repressive Islamic organisation which operates much like any sectarian group on the left in Britain.  It immediately sought to take credit for the March, no doubt to impress its funders and sponsors in Qatar and elsewhere.

Israeli and Zionist propagandists leapt on Dr. Salah Albardawi’s claimthat the first 50 out of 60 murdered were Hamas activists.  Of course even if this had been true it would have been irrelevant. But it was not true.  Most of the activists were just ordinary Palestinians.  Salah Albardawi acted as the idiot he was, seeking to build the reputation of his organisation at the expense of the Palestinians as a whole. It fed into Israel’s racist narrative that Palestinians have no minds of their own and would happily accept Israel’s siege and theft of land but for ‘agitators’ and others.  This is a conspiracy theory no different from all the other anti-Jewish conspiracy theories that Jews have suffered from throughout the ages.
Razan gives the lie to this Zionist narrative.  She was a plucky young woman who was eager to support those who were taking part in the protests.  She was a medic and saw her role as providing support and comfort to those who had been injured.  She was clearly in a white coat which seems to have acted as a target for Israeli snipers.
Ashraf al-Najjar mourns the death of his daughter.
Her interview by the NYT is very interesting for 2 reasons.  Firstly it isn’t often that a face and a voice is given to Palestinian victims of Israeli terror.  When a Jewish settler is killed we soon learn that they had a family, how many children, what pursuits they enjoyed (attacking Palestinians isn’t usually listed) etc.  They are portrayed as fully rounded human beings.  Dead Palestinians are just a number.  In Israel they even have different coloured body bags for Jews and non-Jews.
In her interview it was clear that Razan is what we would call a feminist.  She was determined to do the work she was doing despite no doubt pressure from the conservative Islamists that Hamas represents that it’s not ‘womens work’.  These, of course are the feminists that western feminists dismiss with their racist and imperialist discourse.
The interview with her grief stricken father is equally interesting.  We are not used to seeing or witnessing Palestinian grief.  After all they are the other.  Wailing Israeli women, screaming revenge and retribution are usually what is on offer.  Palestinians don’t have any feeling.  It used to be thought that Black people had a greater tolerance of pain than White people and therefore it was quite understandable to whip and beat them.
Israel’s supporters and the Zionist movement embody these racist colonial concepts.
Why is this racist supporter of war crimes still a member of the Labour Party?
A word should be said about one particularly disgusting racist, namely Luke Akehurst of We Believe in Israel. This apology for a human being has spent his time in the Labour Party trying to justify Israel’s war crimes by repeating the canard that the only people killed were Hamas as if that makes it alright.

A Day, a Life: When a Medic Was Killed in Gaza, Was It an Accident?




On June 1, an Israeli soldier shot into a crowd, killing a volunteer medic named Rouzan al-Najjar. Israeli officials say soldiers only use live fire as a last resort. Our investigation shows otherwise. We analyzed over 1,000 photos and videos, froze the fatal moment in a 3-D model of the protest, and interviewed more than 30 witnesses and I.D.F. commanders to reveal how Rouzan was killed.Published OnDec. 30, 2018CreditAdel Hana/Associated Press

KHUZAA, Gaza Strip — A young medic in a head scarf runs into danger, her only protection a white lab coat. Through a haze of tear gas and black smoke, she tries to reach a man sprawled on the ground along the Gaza border. Israeli soldiers, their weapons leveled, watch warily from the other side.
Minutes later, a rifle shot rips through the din, and the Israeli-Palestinian drama has its newest tragic figure.
For a few days in June, the world took notice of the death of 20-year-old Rouzan al-Najjar, killed while treating the wounded at protests against Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip. Even as she was buried, she became a symbol of the conflict, with both sides staking out competing and mutually exclusive narratives.
To the Palestinians, she was an innocent martyr killed in cold blood, an example of Israel’s disregard for Palestinian life. To the Israelis, she was part of a violent protest aimed at destroying their country, to which lethal force is a legitimate response as a last resort.
Palestinian witnesses embellished their initial accounts, saying she was shot while raising her hands in the air. The Israeli military tweeted a tendentiously edited video that made it sound like she was offering herself as a human shield for terrorists.
In each version, Ms. Najjar was little more than a cardboard cutout.
An investigation by The New York Times found that Ms. Najjar, and what happened on the evening of June 1, were far more complicated than either narrative allowed. Charismatic and committed, she defied the expectations of both sides. Her death was a poignant illustration of the cost of Israel’s use of battlefield weapons to control the protests, a policy that has taken the lives of nearly 200 Palestinians.
It also shows how each side is locked into a seemingly unending and insolvable cycle of violence. The Palestinians trying to tear down the fence are risking their lives to make a point, knowing that the protests amount to little more than a public relations stunt for Hamas, the militant movement that rules Gaza. And Israel, the far stronger party, continues to focus on containment rather than finding a solution.
In life, Ms. Najjar was a natural leader whose uncommon bravery struck some peers as foolhardy. She was a capable young medic, but one who was largely self-taught and lied about her lack of education. She was a feminist, by Gaza standards, shattering traditional gender rules, but also a daughter who doted on her father, was particular about her appearance and was slowly assembling a trousseau. She inspired others with her outward jauntiness, while privately she was consumed with dread in her final days.
The bullet that killed her, The Times found, was fired by an Israeli sniper into a crowd that included white-coated medics in plain view. A detailed reconstruction, stitched together from hundreds of crowd-sourced videos and photographs, shows that neither the medics nor anyone around them posed any apparent threat of violence to Israeli personnel. Though Israel later admitted her killing was unintentional, the shooting appears to have been reckless at best, and possibly a war crime, for which no one has yet been punished.
Rouzan al-Najjar, 20, was killed by an Israeli sniper on June 1 while she was treating the wounded at protests at the Gaza border. Credit Ibraheem Abu Mustafa/Reuters

 3:45 a.m., Friday, June 1
The last day of her life begins well before sunrise. Ms. Najjar fries sambousek, small meat pies, to share with her father for the predawn meal before the Ramadan fast. She shows him a new suit she bought for her 5-year-old brother, Amir. They pray together before going back to sleep.
When he awakens that afternoon, she is gone.
Just around the corner from the Najjar home in Khuzaa, visible from their rooftop, is a barren field that has been turned into the stage for one of five protests along the Gaza-Israel border fence. Nearly every day for the past nine weeks, hundreds of Palestinians have flocked here for demonstrations. On Fridays, there can be thousands. The protestsoften culminate in rocks or firebombsthrown at the Israeli side, and Israeli tear gas and gunfire in response. The protesters’ stated goal is tobreak through the fence and return to their ancestral homes in what is now Israel. But the immediate focusis the 11-year-old Israeli blockade of Gaza. The blockade, which is also enforced by Egypt along Gaza’s southern border, has choked Gaza’s economy and left its 2 million residents feelingimprisoned.
Today, the medics are hoping for a low-key Friday. But around 5 p.m., the protest gains energy. A crowd surges toward the fence and the Israelis unleash a suffocating barrage of tear gas.
There has been no gunfire yet. It is still possible to kid around. “Let’s go get martyred together,” Ms. Najjar teases Mahmoud Abdelaty, a fellow medic. “Go on and get hit so I can take care of you.”
“Are you scared of death?” she asks Mahmoud Qedayeh, another member of their team of volunteers. “You only die once.”
A mural in Bethlehem depicting Ms. Najjar. In death, she became a martyr, famous throughout the Palestinian territories. Credit Thomas Coex/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images


 ‘Everybody Knew Her’
For the Israel Defense Forces, she was a nightmare of a victim: a photogenic symbol of nationhood, youth and compassion.
On March 30, the protests’ first day, Ms. Najjar became the youngest of three volunteers tending to the wounded, and the only woman.
To the young men in skinny jeans and T-shirts hurling rocks at Israeli soldiers, she seemed to appear beside them almost as fast as they fell, bandaging burns, splinting fractures, stanching gunshot wounds, offering encouragement, sometimes hearing last words.
Journalists noticed. Practically overnight, she became a fixture of news reports, with a growing social-media following. “Everybody knew her,” said another medic, Lamiaa Abu Moustafa.
Over the next nine weeks, shrapnel pelted Ms. Najjar’s legs, a flaming tire burned her, a tear-gas grenade fractured her arm. She cut off her cast the same day and went back to the protest.
Others cowered when Israeli soldiers fired at them. Not Ms. Najjar. “The gunshots we hear will not harm us,” she told a colleague. The implication: You won’t hear the one that kills you.
She inspired other women to become medics, despite social conventions in this deeply conservative Muslim territory that reserve dangerous work for men. “I wanted to become like Rouzan, brave and strong and helping everybody,” said Najwa Abu Abdo, a 17-year-old neighbor, explaining her decision to volunteer.
Unmarried and uninterested in marriage for the time being, Ms. Najjar remained very much the star of her own drama. She sent affectionate texts to peers who each believed they were her closest friend. She lied about her credentials, pretending to be a college student. She obsessed over backbiting and jealousy within her social circle.
Yet she had more on her mind.
For Ms. Najjar, the protests were not just an opportunity to vent at the barbed wire that made Gaza feel like an open-air cage. They were an opportunity to gain medical experience, to make a name for herself and perhaps, by making an impression, to further her goal of making nursing school affordable.
By late May, she seemed well on her way.
Around 5 p.m., the protest gains energy. A crowd surges toward the fence and the Israelis unleash a suffocating barrage of tear gas. Credit Mohammed Saber/EPA, via Shutterstock
5:30 p.m.
Tear gas is everywhere. The Israelis have not yet fired live ammunition, but the acrid fumes are overwhelming. “Like a dense fog,” says Fares al-Qedra, another medic.
It’s a giant dance: Protesters run toward the fence, soldiers launch gas grenades, the protesters back off. Repeat.
Ms. Najjar, noticeable in her white coat and red lipstick, scurries around spraying saline solution in people’s eyes to wash away the gas. So many need her help that she cannot keep up.
A 54-year-old man is hit in the forehead by a gas grenade. Ms. Najjar rushes to him, bandages the gash, then runs alongside as he is carried to an ambulance.
Long coils of barbed wire stretch across the Gaza side of the security fence with Israel. Behind them, the fence and sand berms used by Israeli snipers.CreditYousur Al-Hlou/The New York Times

 A Flimsy Fence
Gaza had not always been locked up behind barbed wire, sensors and bunkers.
Before 2005, Gaza residents could work in Israel. But rocket attacks and bombings after the Second Intifada erupted in 2000 prompted Israel to cordon off the strip and eventually abandon its settlements there. When Hamas seized power from the Palestinian Authority after a weeklong civil war in 2007, Israel imposed a punishing blockade, severely restricting travel and trade.
By 2017, after three wars with Israel, Gaza’s economy was a shambles and the authority’s president, Mahmoud Abbas, was determined to finish off Hamas. He laid off thousands of Gaza workers and cut electricity to a few hours at a time.
Just as support for Hamas was cratering, young Gazans called for a mass protest against the blockade. Hamas jumped at the chance to redirect popular anger against Israel. Officials promised nonviolence but nonetheless encouraged protesters to try to break through the fence.
With imams urging people to attend and Hamas chartering buses, crowds grew quickly. The protests became a kind of nationalist circus. Mothers brought children, vendors hawked falafel and families slept in tents. Nearer the fence, young men burned tires, crept up with wire cutters or improvised firebombs — and presented Israeli snipers with easy targets.
Bloodshed served Hamas’s public-relations purposes, winning international attention and sympathy. The Israelis obliged.
For Israel, the protests touched a nerve: The border was demarcated by a fence, not a wall — a relatively flimsy contraption designed to detect intrusion, not prevent it. Technically, it was not even a recognized border, only the armistice line drawn in 1949, after the Israeli-Arab war.
Fearing an onrush of thousands, the army warned Gaza residents that anyone coming close to the fence would be shot.
Later, Israeli officials explained that military policy permitted deadly force only as a last resort, against an imminent threat of violence, and after exhausting lesser options like verbal warnings, tear gas and warning shots. Spokesmen insisted that commanders had to approve each shot and, in one subsequently deleted Twitter post, that “We know where every bullet landed.”
But the first day of protests alone left more than 20 dead and hundreds wounded. Since then, one Israeli soldier has been killed by sniper fire. The Palestinian death toll has reached 185.
The victims include two women and 32 children. Journalists. A double-amputee in a wheelchair. A young man who had a tire in his arms and was running away from the fence when he was shot in the back.
And medics.
A new friction point has opened up: A few dozen protesters have drifted about 200 yards north along the fence, past the point where a bunker on the Israeli side had loosely marked the protest’s northern boundary.
Some of the protesters begin tearing at the barbed-wire coils about 40 yards in front of the fence.
Israeli soldiers quickly drive up and take defensive positions on the other side. They’ve shot people for less. For now, they fire only a warning shot and more tear gas.
Photos from Ms. Najjar’s childhood, and her passport. Credit Hosam Salem for The New York Times


Like a Prisoner
Except for a visit to Egypt in 1997, at three days old, Ms. Najjar spent her life confined to the cramped Gaza Strip, mainly in Khuzaa, a tiny border village where nearly everyone is a Najjar — descended from refugees who fled in 1948 from Salamah, near Jaffa.
Rouzan was precocious, entering kindergarten at 2, picking up English words and reciting poetry. And happy: Her mother, Sabreen, given to melancholy, recorded her laughing. “She would move worlds when she saw me sad,” she said.
But Rouzan was a daddy’s girl. Her father, a lanky entrepreneur named Ashraf al-Najjar, spoiled her, when that was still possible. He worked in Israel for months at a stretch, buying appliances or furniture to sell in Gaza at four times what he paid. There was meat for dinner.
“To be honest, I long for those days,” he said.
As a little girl, Rouzan reached for toy stethoscopes. Her father expected to send her overseas to study medicine someday.
But then came the rockets, the blockade, the wars. No longer able to work in Israel, Mr. Najjar opened a motorcycle-repair shop. It was bulldozed by the Israeli army during the 2014 invasion. He went bankrupt and took handouts from siblings. Rouzan skipped school field trips to scrimp.
Khuzaa was largely reduced to rubble in the war. Two of Rouzan’s best friends were killed, one of them along with more than 20 of her relatives. She saw a cousin’s body torn apart. The Najjars’ home was damaged, the recordings of her laughter lost. When they returned from shelter, the dead and dying lay in the streets.
Rouzan said she wanted to learn how to help.



Opposite the Israeli bunker, Ms. Najjar rushes toward the fence to help a teenager, as Israeli soldiers look on. Someone behind her throws a rock at them, using her as cover.
Two protesters are trapped near the barbed wire, lying on the ground.
She and several other medics — among them her friends Rasha Qudeih and Rami Abo Jazar — make their way forward again to try to help. They raise their hands to show the Israelis they mean no harm.
Two shots ring out overhead. Ms. Najjar waves at the soldiers, who are only about 50 yards away, not to shoot. But as she edges closer, another shot, much closer, kicks up the sand.
A soldier emerges from behind a jeep, leveling his rifle. “The sniper is aiming at us!” Ms. Qudeih yells.
The medics turn and run, as a fresh barrage of tear gas descends on them. Ms. Najjar is the slowest to retreat.
A portrait of Ms. Najjar in her family’s home.CreditHosam Salem for The New York Times

Fearless at 15

Nearly everyone who saw Ms. Najjar at the protests was struck by her readiness to place herself in harm’s way. Again and again, there she was in video clips: the first to those in trouble, the last to safety.
“She was reckless,” said Eslam Okal, a trauma nurse from Rafah who volunteered at the Khuzaa protests after hearing about Ms. Najjar. “I told her, ‘Your first priority is safety.’ We had many arguments over this. But her bravery won out.”
In high school, she was the alpha of a clique of mildly rebellious teenagers who bridled at the dress code of their all-girls school: white scarf and hijab, dark trousers. Ms. Najjar wore bright colors and accepted the scoldings that followed.
Other girls were quiet in class. But Ms. Najjar interrupted the teachers with questions, stood her ground when chastised and talked back constantly, though usually through a smile.
How she became so fearless and outspoken is impossible to pin down, but several people who were close to her cited a traumatic experience when she was 15.
During 10th-grade finals, Rouzan returned home to a tense situation in her family’s four-story building. Her aunt, Nawal Qedayeh, whom Rouzan adored and who was seven months pregnant, was being treated like a pariah by Rouzan’s paternal aunts and grandmother, who refused to let her use the communal kitchen. When Ms. Qedayeh was caught scrubbing pots there, a fight broke out, and Rouzan watched as her grandmother pushed Ms. Qedayeh down the stairs. Both she and the fetus she was carrying were killed.
Rouzan, the only eyewitness, had a choice: She could stay silent, forgoing justice for her aunt’s killing and following the social expectation for a young woman to leave weighty legal matters to the men. Or she could tell the truth and potentially send her grandmother to prison.
Rouzan testified. Her grandmother was convicted of accidental manslaughter and spent more than a year in prison.
Nisreen Abu Ishaq, Rouzan’s high school religion teacher, said the ordeal made her “stronger and more daring.” After that, said Suzan Mahdi al-Reqeb, a school administrator, “nothing stood in her way.”
Money did. Knowing she couldn’t afford college dejected her. She had also failed part of the entrance exams. Yet she scarcely gave up.
On the contrary,” her mother said.“She stomped her feet and said, ‘I’m not going to waste years waiting for things to get better — I’ll find another way.’”
She began taking basic first aid courses and discovered that she could simply “forget” to pay the fees: “Don’t be an idiot,” she told a friend who almost paid $5 in tuition.
She hung around emergency rooms, running errands, observing surgery, pretending to belong until the staff realized she didn’t. When Seif Abdel Ghafour rushed his dying uncle to Nasser Hospital, he was bewildered by the place until Ms. Najjar led them where they needed to go. “She didn’t know us,” he said. “But she treated us like we were her brothers.”
The protests would let her test her skills. When the Health Ministry made about 200 volunteer medics take a written exam, Ms. Najjar scored 91, the highest in her group. She was given an identification card, lab coat and white-and-pink paramedic’s vest.
She wore them like armor.

6:20 p.m.

To the north, past the bunker, at least two protesters throw homemade firebombs at the Israelis. No damage is done, but it’s a significant escalation from slinging rocks.
Ms. Najjar is recovering from the tear gas she inhaled. Nearby, protesters start cutting away a new section of barbed wire.
Suddenly, there’s a rifle shot. A young man in the group to the north is hit in the leg.
That is where Israeli forces are instructed to aim, a tactic, Israeli officials say, intended to minimize fatalities. But they fire a heavy battlefield round, one meant for targets hundreds of yards away. At 100 yards, ballistics experts say, a missed shot could bounce like a skimming stone.
“If I missed, and it will hit a rock, I don’t know where the bullet will go,” a senior Israeli commander says.
Mohammad Abu Mustafa, who was hit by a canister of tear gas and aided by Ms. Najjar on the day she was killed. Credit Hosam Salem for The New York Times
 ‘A Daughter of Men’
Nearly every protester in Khuzaa has at least one story of Ms. Najjar coming to his rescue. Some have many.
When Mahmoud Abu Shab, 26, a kafiyeh-wearing rock thrower, was shot through the hand in March, she stanched the bleeding. One day in April, when he failed to get out of the way of a stretch of barbed wire being dragged from the fence, she bandaged his wounds.
He didn’t know that she had bought the medical supplies herself. She was collecting a shekel a day from a group of supportive young women. She even sold off a gold ring to buy supplies.
“She wanted to always be at the fence, to be a daughter of men,” said Nada al-Laham, another volunteer, using an expression for a woman driven by a strong sense of national identity.
Her father said he urged her to take a day off: “She’d say, ‘No, Baba, there are people who need me.’”
Her mother visited the protests, but said their chats ended abruptly: “Suddenly there would be a wounded protester, and she’d just stop talking and say, ‘I have to go, there’s someone I need to save.’”
Ms. Najjar saw her role as part of the Palestinian struggle as much as those burning tires or wielding wire cutters. She became a practiced spokeswoman, never refusing an interview request, not always waiting to be asked.
The New York Times spoke with Rouzan al-Najjar, a 20-year-old volunteer medic, in May.Published OnDec. 29, 2018
We want to send our message to the world: I’m an army to myself, and the sword to my army,”she told The Times on May 7. “We have one goal, and that’s to rescue and evacuate, and to send a message to the world, that we — without weapons — we can do anything.”
Her Facebook posts could be florid. She once wrote that her bloodstained uniform carried the “sweetest perfume.”
The protests became Gaza’s biggest social event. Matches were made, engagements announced almost every day. Young men and their parents paraded through the Najjars’ home seeking betrothal to the now-famous Rouzan. “Ten or 12 just during Ramadan,” her father said.
She turned them all down, he said: “She had her own goals in mind.”
After the protests ended, she planned to retake and ace the college-admission tests. Somehow, she would find her way to nursing school.
Lamiaa Abu Moustafa was Ms. Najjar’s closest friend among the medics.CreditHosam Salem for The New York Times
6:29 p.m.
Ms. Najjar is back on her feet beside her colleague, Ms. Abu Moustafa, her closest friend among the medics.Protesters tugging at the barbed wire scramble by them toward the south, hoisting their long rope over the women’s heads.
Ms. Abu Moustafa is concerned. The Israelis often shoot at the rope pullers, she says. She urges Ms. Najjar to leave.
The rope pullers finally make off with a small coil of barbed wire. Much of the crowd follows. The clamor around the two women subsides.
Ms. Najjar, center, at the protest on the day she was shot. Credit Adel Hana/Associated Press

Air of Mortality

As the protests took on a sense of permanence, Ms. Najjar’s bravado became alloyed with increasingly frequent allusions to her possible demise.
“When my life finishes, make me a sweet memory for those who know me,” she wrote on Facebook on May 5.
“They said to me, ‘Bend a little, as the bullet is on its way to you,’” she wrote later. “I said to them, ‘The bullet chose me because I do not know how to bend, so why should I change my way?’”
She texted one friend an apology in case one of them was martyred.
“Say a nice prayer for my memory,” she told another on May 24.
Her parents said such morbid talk was uncharacteristic. While many in Gaza speak of death as preferable to the here-and-now, Ms. Najjar “clung to life,” her mother said. “She never wanted to be a martyr. She loved life.”
One of her happiest days ever, friends said, was Tuesday, May 29. She cashed a $100 check — a one-time gift to each member of her team of medics, the Palestine Medical Rescue Service, from its overseers in the West Bank — and joined colleagues on a small boat that left the Gaza City marina, hoping to catch up to a flotilla that was challenging the blockade.
They were on the water nearly three hours under the brilliant Mediterranean sun before being turned back by an Israeli gunboat.
“I said I hoped we wouldn’t get hit,” said Mr. Abdel Ghafour, the man she had helped at the hospital and who had since befriended her. “She said, ‘So be it! We die as friends.’”
Mohammed Shafee, a medic, was sprayed in the chest and pelvic area by fragments of the bullet that killed Ms. Najjar. Credit Hosam Salem for The New York Times

6:31 p.m.

Sunset is coming and with it, the end of the fast. Things seem to be quieting down at the fence.
An Israeli soldier looking across at where Ms. Najjar stands now might see a man waving a Palestinian flag aloft, a few straggling protesters ambling around, and a cluster of medics helping a protester on the ground recover from tear gas. No one in the area is doing anything menacing. The tear gas is doing what it is meant to: making the use of lethal force unnecessary.
Suddenly, there is another gunshot.
Mohammed Shafee, a medic, sees things “fly into my body.” He’s sprayed in the chest by small bullet fragments.
Mr. Abo Jazar perceives an explosion on the ground, then screams in pain. He’s grazed in the thigh.
Behind them, Ms. Najjar reaches for her back, then crumples.
As Ms. Abu Moustafa looks on in shock, Ms. Najjar is picked up by protesters she had treated just a few minutes ago. As they carry her off, blood pours from her chest.
Three medics down, all from one bullet. It seemed improbable.
But The Times’s reconstruction confirmed it: The bullet hit the ground in front of the medics, then fragmented, part of it ricocheting upward and piercing Ms. Najjar’s chest.
It was fired from a sand berm used by Israeli snipers at least 120 yards from where the medics fell.
The Israeli military’s rules of engagement are classified. But a spokesman, Lt. Col. Jonathan Conricus, said that snipers may shoot only at people posing a violent threat, like “cutting the fence, throwing grenades.”
To deliberately shoot a medic, or any civilian, is a war crime. Israel quickly conceded that Ms. Najjar’s killing was unintended.
“She was not the target,” Colonel Conricus said. “None of the medical personnel are ever a target.”
But no Israeli soldiers reported accidental shootings. After-action reports said snipers aimed at four men that day and hit them all, the army said.
The Times found the first, third and fourth of those protesters, each shot in the leg exactly when and how the army said they were. But The Times could not corroborate the army’s description of the second person it said was shot, which matched the time Ms. Najjar was killed.
The army said it was a man in a yellow shirt who was throwing stones and pulling at the fence. But the only man in a yellow shirt anywhere near the line of fire was not doing that or much of anything else, The Times found. He stood about 120 yards from the fence and posed no threat.
Even if the man was a legitimate target, there remains the question of the medics standing behind him.
Former Israeli and American snipers said it would be reckless to shoot if anyone who was not a legitimate target could be put at risk. Reckless killing can also be a war crime.
Prof. Ryan Goodman, a New York University expert on the laws of war, who was a special counsel to the Pentagon on war crimes and targeting rules, said the key to whether a war crime was committed was whether the sniper was aware of a high risk that civilians would be harmed.
“The laws of war would not want any military personnel to deliberately fire in the direction of the medics,” Mr. Goodman said. “I’m not saying it’s close to the line. I’m saying it crosses the line.”
Ms. Najjar’s funeral in Gaza. Credit Hosam Salem for The New York Times


Mistakes Add Up

A senior Israeli commander told The Times in August that 60 to 70 other Gaza protesters had been killed unintentionally, around half the total killed at that point.
Yet the Israeli army’s rules of engagement remain unchanged, the military says.
That alone may constitute a separate violation of international humanitarian law, experts say: After enough civilians have died, commanders have a duty to make changes to ensure that they aren’t needlessly targeted.
“You lose the right to say, ‘Oops,’” said Noam Lubell, a professor of the law of armed conflict at the University of Essex.
The large number of accidental killings, and Israel’s failure to adjust the rules of engagement in response, raise the question of whether they were a bug or a feature of its policy.
Colonel Conricus said that not all those killed unintentionally had been shot unintentionally. Sometimes soldiers had aimed at the legs of people they considered to be legitimate targets, he said, but killed them instead of wounding them.
Israel considers members of Hamas fair game whether they are armed or not, an interpretation of international law that is not universally accepted.
Colonel Conricus also said the rules of engagement were merely an upper limit on the use of force, and that the army was doing other things, such as training troops when they are first assigned to the fence, to curb civilian casualties.
Israeli military lawyers conceded there had been some misconduct but said that no soldiers were suspected of intentionally killing anyone they knew they shouldn’t have.
On Oct. 29, nearly five months after she was killed, Israel’s military advocate general began a criminal investigation of Ms. Najjar’s death.
But the senior commander told The Times in August that no recordings of the shooting from the Israeli side existed. He had no idea exactly when Ms. Najjar had been shot. He learned that from The Times.
Israel seems content to say that protecting its border is a messy business. “Unfortunately, yes,” said Colonel Conricus, “in a situation like that, accidents happen, and unintended results happen.”
An ambulance races Ms. Najjar to a triage tent, where she is deposited in the “red zone” for trauma cases.
She had wanted so badly to belong here that she used to visit the tent often, even when she was not escorting patients. Now, the professionals crowd around frantically trying to save her. The doctor who intubates her is the same one who administered the Health Ministry exam she aced back in April.
Three people record the scene on smartphones, areminder of her celebrity.
Ms. Najjartakes her last breath even before she is rushed to a nearby hospital, where she is pronounced dead at 7:10 p.m.
 “Why kill her?” cries her shattered father. “She was an angel of mercy.”
Ms. Najjar has joined the ranks of those lionized as Gaza’s martyrs. Her smiling portrait will beam from walls and billboards across the territory. She has become a symbol, perhaps not of what either side had hoped, but of a hopeless, endless conflict and the lives it wastes.
Reporting was contributed by Yousur Al-Hlou, Malachy Browne, Iyad Abuheweila and Neil Collier from Khuzaa; Ibrahim El-Mughrabi from Gaza City, and John Woo from New York.

Tony Greenstein –v- Campaign Against Anti-Semitism Libel Action

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The High Court Decided Today that Calling Someone an Anti-Semite is a Matter of Opinion not Fact! We shall be appealing to the Court of Appeal


At first sight it is surprising. Zionists never hesitate to accuse their opponents of ‘anti-Semitism’. After all if you are forced to defend shooting unarmed demonstrators and demolishing villages and homes it’s far easier to attack the messenger than the message.
No group is more assiduous in doing this than the misnamed ‘Campaign Against Anti-Semitism’. So when, in February 2017 and on 4 subsequent occasions, they accused me of being a ‘notorious anti-Semite’ you might have thought that they would leap at the opportunity to justify the truth of their assertion.
The original article on the CAA's website
The original libel - repeated on at least 4 more occasions - the CAA is notoriously reluctant to justify their libels
Not a bit of it.  Their legal team, led by Adam Speker of 5RB, the same Chambers that today’s presiding Judge Mr Justice Nicklin belongs to, has fought desperately to be able to rely on section 3 (‘honest opinion’) rather than a section 2 (‘statement of fact’) of the Defamation Act 2013.
Section 3 is the old ‘fair comment’ common law defence that was usually used to protect journalists who wrote in good faith about a politician. It protected free speech. The 2013 Defamation Act put it on a statutory footing and called it ‘honest opinion’. In other words, even if you are lying through your teeth, as long as you believe your own lies then you are in the clear.
As the Jewish Chronicle reportedcorrectly (for once) ‘If [the libellous statements were] considered an opinion, it would lower the bar for the defence.’ In other words the Zionists want to be free to accuse any and everyone of ‘anti-Semitism’ but when forced to justify their accusations can then turn round and say it was only their opinion! When push comes to shove they run a mile from having to justify their lies.
Gideon Falter - smooth talking, corrupt liar who runs the CAA - a far-Right Israeli funded Zionist organisation
Section 2, however is much stricter. You have to be able to prove that what you said was true. For the CAA that presents serious problems. The CAA is led by Gideon Falter who is as bent as a 9 bob note. Making accusations that people are ‘anti-Semitic’ is his stock-in-trade. Anyone and everyone who criticises Israel is an ‘anti-Semite’.

To the CAA, which is almost certainly funded by Israel (its accounts for 2016and 2017do not disclose who its funders are but we can guess) support for the Palestinians is ‘Jew hatred’. 
Gideon Falter lied in court that Rowan Laxton had shouted out 'fucking Jews' - he was quite willing to ruin someone's career for the 'crime' of expressing outrage at Israel's barbarous attack on Gaza
Of course the CAA’s opinions are anything but honest as a cursory examination of both Falter’s and the CAA’s record will show. In 2009 Foreign Office diplomat Rowan Laxtonwas accused by Falter of having shouted out, whilst exercising by himself in a gym, ‘fucking Israelis, fucking Jews’ after having seen on a TV screen footage of an elderly Palestinian man killed by Israel in Gaza. Laxton, who is now Britain’s High Commissioner to the Republic of Cameroon, was prosecuted under s.5 of the Public Order Act for using ‘"threatening, abusive or insulting words or behaviour, or disorderly behaviour …’ in a public place. The Police were not inclined to prosecute at first but Falter leaked it to the Daily Mail and put the Police under pressure.  Laxton was convicted at first instance by Westminster Magistrates Court and was subsequently suspended by the Foreign Office.
The Daily Mail failed to report on the subsequent acquittal of Rowan Laxton - it didn't fit with the preconceptions of this antisemitic paper
Laxton appealed to Southwark Crown Court who acquitted him of using the phrase ‘fucking Jews’. In other words Gideon Falter was a liar who had tried to ruin someone’s career for expressing their emotions about an Israeli attack on Gaza which killed 1400 civilians.  The death of Palestinians is not something which disturbs Falter in the slightest. As Professor Geoffrey Pullum noted in The diplomat, the bishop, the bomber, and the fruit bat the Daily Mail which reportedthe initial conviction did not report Laxton’s successful appeal. 
On the basis of a quotation from Israel's first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, the CAA called Jackie Walker a 'holocaust justifier'
I could also mention the occasion in February 2017 that the CAA ranthe headline ‘Jackie Walker Posts Text Asking Whether Hitler Can Really Be Blamed for the Holocaust?’. This was based on a passage in Nahum Goldman’s autobiography, The Jewish Paradox, which in turn quoted from David Ben Gurion on how the Palestinian reaction to Israel’s creation, that they were not responsible for the Holocaust was understandable. Goldman was former President of the World Jewish Congress and the World Zionist Organisation and Ben Gurion was the first Prime Minister of Israel! When the CAA realised their gaff they took the post down but not before groups like Canada’s Never Again had waxed lyrical on the subject.
Canada's Zionist 'Never Again' Facebook Group was Fooled by the CAA post
The CAA has therefore fought to avoid having to justify their accusations that I am anti-Semitic. Instead they wanted to hide behind ‘honest opinion’ instead.
However on the advice of counsel I am applying for leave to appeal to the Court of Appeal to the same Judge and if he refuses to agree then an application will be made to the Court of Appeal directly.
Associate of Britain 1st and the EDL, fascist sympathiser and Zionist Jonathan Hoffman imagines the curtains are closing
According to notorious Zionist Jonathan Hoffman, who openly calls himself a racist and who is equally happy to keep company with a variety of fascist and anti-Semitic organisations, ‘the net is closing in.’   Indeed Hoffman calls me a ‘a thoroughly nasty piece of work’ which coming from him is a rare compliment indeed!
It is our opinion that the Judgment of Justice Nicklin is an error of law and that the allegations made against me in 4 of the articles, that I am a ‘notorious anti-Semite’ are a bare comment i.e. a factual assertion.
The first article does make an attempt to justify their assertion that I am anti-Semitic but its arguments are so ludicrous that they would find it impossible to justify them. Hence why it is important that the CAA is able to pass off their lies as ‘honest opinion’ which means that the burden of proof is reversed. Instead of the CAA having to prove their lies, I have to prove that they are dishonest.
The sting in their allegations are in paragraphs 1.5 and 1.6 of the Appendix to the Judgment.
[1.5]      Greenstein is to be squarely defined as an anti-Semite under the International Definition of Antisemitism. which states that "Denving the intentionality of the genocide of the Jewish people at the hands of National Socialist Germanv .. .during World War II is antisemitic.

[1.6] Mr Greenstein is to be classified as an antisemite on other grounds too. He openly and readilv admits to Holocaust inversion (calling Jews Nazis). This breaches the International Definition of Antisemitism by "Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis. "
Financial Appeal – Why I Need You

I have only been able to fight this battle so far because of the generosity of contributors.  It is a battle that I am fighting, not for myself, but for all those who are regularly libelled, defamed and slandered by Zionist groups such as the CAA. By attacking the critics of Israeli apartheid as ‘anti-Semites’ the Zionists hope to excuse their murderous, racist and indeed genocidal behaviour. It is time that we called them out and I am prepared to pay a heavy price, even bankruptcy, in order to show the CAA out for the liars they are.

BUT what I am also doing is asking you and your friends to dig deep to help support my efforts.  The Zionists have already spent about £50,000 defending their lies.  I have spent about £10,000.  However I have to fund both an appeal to the Court of Appeal and a further Case Management Conference and a full trial.  I have a good barrister who is ready and willing to take this on but I need to raise at the minimum £60,000.  So far I have raised less than one-third of this.

There are a number of ways you can contribute.  You can:

i.                   Donate to Go Fund Mebut it will take about 5% of your donation

ii.                 You can send a donation to Paypal using my email address tonygreenstein111@gmail.com but don’t say its for services or buying anything as they will also take about 5%.

iii.              You can email me a cheque made out to BUWC at PO Box 173, Rottingdean, Brighton BN51 9EZ.

iv.              Or you can send by BACS to BUWC, 09-01-50, Account No: 04094107 with reference libel.

Thank you

Tony Greenstein

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